on the person of his ancestor-where he used to sit or stand, how he spoke and smiled, what were his cherished aims and pleasures. By the third day, had all this been duly done, the worshipper would have a complete image of him in his mind's eye. Then, on the day of sacrifice, he would seem to see him in his shrine, and to hear him as he went about his duties.

The great sacrifice in the royal temple was attended by all the feudal princes, and also by the representatives of the former dynasties of Hsia and Shang. The first object of course was to secure the 'real presence' of the ancestor and, in modern ecclesiastical parlance, to 'localise' it at his shrine. The ancestral spirits were supposed to hover between heaven and earth, not far from their former abode and the ancestral temple. The presence of the spirit desired was invoked by a functionary posted at the principal gate, but more material means were used to attract it. In the Shang period this was chiefly effected by drums, but under the Chou régime fermented liquor was poured out to entice them. In modern China the usual method for attracting the ancestral spirit into its tablet on the shrine is by burning incense and two lighted tapers. In the Chou period the chief victim was a red bull, slain by the king himself; and the fat was burned with southern-wood to increase the sweet savour as a further attraction for the spirits. The household as well as the royal princes and the ladies had an arduous day, while the musicians, singers and actors took a large share in the services. Six kinds of musical instruments were used, but only those fit for sacred music; odes or dithyrambs were sung, while not only meat but ale in cups of jade was solemnly offered to the spirits, but not to mere shadowy beings only visible to the eye of faith. For each ancestral spirit was not only represented by some young member of the family, but was supposed to be localised' in him for the time being.

The 'personators' were both male and female, according to the sex of the ancestor represented. They always sat, and retained a rigidly severe deportment; and even the most junior and unimportant member of the family, when representing an ancestor, was treated with all the respect due to that forbear. But the personators were

not merely actors, but rather mediums,' as they were supposed to embody the ancestral spirits; and accordingly they demeaned themselves in looks, attitude, manner of eating and drinking as the ancestors were thought to have comported themselves in life. In this they recall the actor who at a Roman funeral personated the dead man, even imitating in gesture, speech and gait any peculiarity that he might have had. Still more is this the case with the Thilakapo of the Tangkuls of Assam, who not only personates the deceased in the interval between the death and the completion of the funeral rites, but is even regarded as the abode of the dead man's soul during that period. Thus in the ancestral temple the living members of the family met, as it were, its departed members face to face at a great family re-union; the living feasted the dead and the latter in their turn pronounced through their mediums blessings upon their descendants. The mediums of the Burmese Nats to this hour perform an analogous function.*

The sacrifice to the ancestors completed, the king entertained his uncles and brothers at a family feast. In one of the Odes the latter are represented as thus addressing their host:

'May your bright intelligence become perfect, high and brilliant, leading to a good end! That good end has now its beginning; the personators of your ancestors announced it in their blessing. What was their announcement? The offerings in your dishes of bamboo and wood are clean and fine; your friends assisting in the service have done their part with reverence.' †

On the day after the sacrifice the king gave a special entertainment to the personators of his ancestors. But besides the 'mediums' there were other actors who played a most important part along with the singers and musicians. With these we will deal fully later.

* These entertainments of the dead forcibly recall the Theoxenia of ancient Greece, where certain clans on festival occasions set apart a table for such spiritual visitants, notably in the case of Castor and Pollux. Cf. Pindar, 'Ol.,' III.

† 'Shih King'; 'Major Odes of the Kingdom,' ii, 3.

As we are here concerned with the rites performed in the ancestral temple of the Chou dynasty and especially with the dramatic performances in honour of Wu, its first sovereign, a few words must be said of its rise to power. The family traced its lineage from Chouchi, Minister of Agriculture under Yao and Shun, and later the helper of Yu in reclaiming the inundated lands. This old chief became to the Chinese much what Triptolemus was to the Greeks-the Father of Husbandry; and he overshadowed a still earlier Father of Husbandry, Shan-nang, to whom he himself was possibly related. Hence it was that, when the Chou kings offered prayer and sacrifice to God at the commencement of spring for blessings on the crops, they associated their ancestor Chou-chi in that ritual as the correlate of God,' somewhat as the cult of Triptolemus was bound up with that of Demeter. There is no more reason for holding that Chou-chi is a purely legendary figment than for a like scepticism respecting the patron Nat of Burmese agriculture, who was a king of Ava, just as historical as Thibau, the last monarch of Burma. But, as often happens in the case of men of outstanding personality, legend declared that Chou-chi's origin was more than mortal. Of his father we know nothing, but his mother, a princess of Thai, long barren, prayed to God, and after treading on a 'toe-print of God,' she conceived and bore without pang a boy. The child was immediately exposed in a narrow way, but the oxen refused to trample on him. From childhood he loved husbandry, and everything that he touched throve. This wondrous power led to his being chosen chief of Thai. He gave his people four kinds of grain, the best of which were reserved for his family sacrifices.

One of Chou-chi's descendants, the chieftain of Lu, at a very remote date, settled at Pin, the site of which is still shown. More than four centuries later, according to native chronology (B.C. 1427), Than-fu, one of the old chief's descendants, moved from Pin to Chi. This chief, known in Chinese annals as the ancient duke Than-fu,' was later worshipped as king Thai when promoted by his descendants to the honours of kingship. He was succeeded by his son Chi, and the latter in turn by his son Wan. Chi had been appointed by the Shang king Vol. 231.-No. 459.

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as lord or duke of Chou, in the present department of Fang-hsiang; and this office descended to Wan. Chinese documents these potentates are now termed 'Chiefs of the West'; and they are seen steadily encroaching on the monarchy, then fallen into feeble hands. Wan had settled on the banks of the Wei to the south of Chi, and soon his waxing power roused the suspicion not only of his neighbours but of the Shang king himself, to whom the chief of Kung had reported Wan's doings. The latter was thrown into prison, but soon released by means of substantial gifts made to the sovereign. Once free, Wan wreaked his vengeance on the lord of Kung, which he conquered without difficulty, and at once made its chief town Fang his new capital. The foundations for the final conquest of the monarchy were now well laid, but Wan's career was cut short by death.

Wu succeeded to his father's lordship, and soon 'the Chief of the West' was actually conquering Li, part of the royal domain. But, though the profligate Chou-hsin or Shau was warned by a faithful servant, he heeded not until in B.C. 1123 Wu resolved to take the final step and seize the throne. He first harangued his followers to justify his action and win their support. He then set out for Shang. King Chou-hsin, too late realising his peril, collected his army and marched to Mu, a tract of open country not far from his capital in the present district of Khi in Ho-nan. At dawn on the day of battle Wu reached the open country of Mu. 'In his left hand he carried a battle-axe yellow with gold and in his right he held a white ensign.' He then addressed the Master of his body-guard, and his captains, and his allies:

'Lift up your lances, lock your shields.' He proceeded: "The ancients have said, "The hen does not announce the morning. The crowing of a hen in the morning indicates the subversion of the family." Now Shau, king of Shang, follows only the words of his wife. In his blindness he has neglected the sacrifices which he ought to offer, and makes no return for the favours that he has received; he has also cast off his paternal and maternal relations; he puts into office and ennobles only the vagabonds from all quarters.... Now I Fa (Wu) am simply executing respectfully the punishment ordained by Heaven. In to-day's work do not advance more than six or seven paces at a time without halting and dressing ranks.

My brave men, be vigorous! Be martial in your bearing; be like tigers and panthers, like bears and grizzly bears, here in the borders of Shang. Fall not upon those who rush to surrender, but spare them to serve our western lands. Be vigorous, for, if you are not, you will bring doom on yourselves.'

Wu with his army then crossed the ford of Mang and drew up in battle array. At early dawn Shau led forward his troops like a forest and drew them up in the wild of Mu. But they offered no resistance.' The victory of Mu or Mu-yeh was the great achievement of king Wu. When he withdrew after the battle he reared a burning pile to God, prayed at the altar of the Earth, and set forth his offerings in the house of Mu,' probably some important building at Mu converted into a temple for the occasion. He then led all the princes of the kingdom bearing his offerings on their various trays, and he carried the title of "king" back to Thai his greatgrandfather, otherwise known as Than-fu, to Ki-li his grandfather and to Wan his father, because he would not approach his honourable ancestors with their former humbler titles.' Thus he regulated the service to be rendered to his father and grandfather before him.

This done, Wu proceeded to the capital of Shang. There he invested the representative of the Hsia dynasty with Ki and made the representative of the fallen house of Shang lord of Sung, restored to their places many good officials who had been removed, and relieved the common people from the evils of misrule. He then reorganised the nobility and assigned territories to them according to a threefold scale, giving offices only to the worthy and employment to the able.

This all accomplished, Wu crossed the Ho and went to his western home. His horses were turned loose on Mount Hwa not to be yoked any more; his oxen were dispersed in the wild of the Peach forest not to be put to the waggons again; his chariots and coats of mail were smeared with blood and despatched to his arsenals not to be used again; the shields and spears were reversed and sent home wrapped in tigerskins. His captains and commanders were then made feudal lords; and it was known throughout the kingdom that Wu would resort to arms no more.'