Central Powers and Turkey en bloc; but the step caused great indignation in Germany and among the German Nationalists in Austria. The fact was so self-evident that, at its second meeting on Oct. 30, the provisional National Assembly, while protesting against Andrassy's 'presumption' in speaking for German Austria without consulting the National Assembly, practically endorsed his policy by addressing a long note to President Wilson, in which, after narrating the course of events since the first meeting of the Assembly, he was solicited to take steps to secure a general armistice in order that opportunity may be afforded us to enter into direct negotiations with the other nations so as to secure to each, at the Peace Congress, its full freedom on a durable basis.' This business out of the way, the Assembly proceeded to provide German Austria with a constitution. Beginning by constituting itself the Provisional Government of the new state, the Assembly next appointed a standing committee called a Council of State (Staatsrat), consisting of the three presidents and twenty members, to carry on the government and to represent German Austria in its relations with the other states of the Empire and other countries. Being a representative and consultative rather than an executive body, the Council of State was to entrust the actual work of government to a number of Commissioners or Deputies (Beauftragten). Each of these Commissioners was to preside over a separate Office of State (Staatsamt), e.g. for foreign affairs, the army, the interior, education, justice, railways, finance, etc. His title was to be that of Secretary; and each and all these Secretaries was to be responsible to the Council of State and the National Assembly. It was still undecided what form-monarchical or republican the new State would take. Events had followed each other with such bewildering rapidity that no one at the moment knew with whom (Emperor or Parliament or National Assembly) the government of the country actually rested. The question suddenly became a matter of great importance. On Nov. 2 the Council of State received a summons to attend the Emperor, and heard from him that, in consequence of the collapse of the Italian front, he was compelled to conclude an armistice, but was unwilling to take that step without the assent of the Council. At the same time he communicated the terms on which the armistice was to be obtained. To this communication the Council replied that, as the late Emperor Francis Joseph had begun the war without consulting the representative assembly of the Empire, and his successor, the reigning Emperor, had continued it likewise without consulting the people the Council could take upon itself no responsibility for its disastrous issue. Every effort to induce the Council to alter its decision failed; and the armistice was signed in the name of the Emperor by the Commanderin-Chief, Field-Marshal Kövess. Next day the conditions of the armistice were made public. Consternation was written on every man's face as he read them. After the years of successful conquest and of heroic defence it was unbearable to have to recognise the stern fact of ultimate and irretrievable defeat, Væ victis! If any nation ever felt the meaning of these words, it was the Austrian at this moment. The anger against the Hungarian Government that had given the signal for disruption by recalling its forces on the front in the very hour of greatest danger was fierce beyond description. But at the moment there were other things to think of. With an army of several millions in a state of absolute disorganisation, deprived of its leaders, who, in only too many cases took advantage of the brief pause, caused by the enemy having to cross the Piave, to consult their own safety, there was no saying what might happen; and the following week was one of great anxiety to the new government. Fortunately Vienna remained quiet; and, as the beaten army passed through the city on its way northwards and eastwards, most of the soldiers were quietly disarmed. Strange scenes occurred at at the railway stations where muskets and even machine-guns, provisions, clothes and all sorts of miscellaneous articles, were to be had for a few kronen. Unfortunately many weapons and much ammunition remained unaccounted for; but on the whole things passed off fairly quietly. The collapse of the Austrian front naturally constituted a grave danger for Germany; and instant efforts were taken by the latter to form a new line of defence by directing troops from Bavaria into Tirol and Bohemia. The Council of State in Vienna entered a formal protest against this proceeding; but in Nationalist circles the action of Germany was regarded with tacit approval. Fortunately the German occupation was of no long duration. Under pressure of its own internal troubles and the continued advance of the Allies, Germany was compelled to abandon the struggle; and on Nov. 8 the German Commander-in-Chief opened up communication with Marshal Foch for an armistice. Next day the Emperor William fled, and the Socialists of Germany declared for a Republic. It was hoped that easier terms would thereby be obtained from the Allies. These hopes were doomed to disappointment. If the terms exacted from Austria had been hard, those exacted from Germany were simply appalling to the Viennese. But the Allies were masters of the situation; and forty-eight hours afterwards the armistice was signed. We are not here particularly concerned with Germany. The Emperor of Austria was the first to draw the conclusion arising from the failure of the war policy instituted under his predecessor. He had begun his reign with an earnest endeavour for peace; but his efforts had been frustrated by William II and the General Staff in Berlin. Until the appointment of Lammasch he had been badly advised. He was a young man, without any experience and but newly married. His wife, being an Italian princess, had suffered with him, and everybody was sorry for him. On Nov. 11 he announced his abdication. In communicating the fact to the Council of State the Minister-President stated that it was the wish of the ex-emperor to take up his residence in Austria; and, his wish being complied with, he retired to his castle of Eckartsau on the Danube. On the following day German Austria was publicly proclaimed a republic. ROBERT DUNLOP. Vienna, Dec. 9, 1918. The Romance of Old Philadelphia By John T. Faris A wholly new survey of early life and times in old Philadelphia drawn from contemporary sources. A book of fascinating interest, filled with ample historical material presented in an admirable way. It is a book of general interest, illuminating the whole life of the American colonial period. Beautifully printed, with a wealth of illustrations, it is easily one of the notable books of the year. Price, $4.50 net; carriage extra Samurai Trails J. B. Lippincott Co. By Lucien Swift Kirtland A chronicle of wanderings on the Japanese high road. A walking tour through the unfrequented byways of Japan, where foreigners are an unheard-of occurrence, offering a limitless field for picturesque adventure. A charming book on a practically new topic. Many illustrations. Price, $2.50 net; carriage extra George H. Doran Co. One Hundred Per Cent American Edited by Arnon L. Squiers Addresses delivered by famous patriots of all shades of political belief at the Saturday Luncheons of the Republican Club of New York in 1918. Foreword by Theodore Roosevelt. Addresses of profound historical significance. Price, $2.50 net; carriage extra George H. Doran Co STATEMENT OF OWNERSHIP, MANAGEMENT, CIRCULATION, ETC., REQUIRED BY THE ACT OF CONGRESS OF AU. GUST 24, 1912, OF THE QUARTERLY REVIEW Published quarterly at New York, N. Y. October 1, 1918. 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Sworn to and subscribed before me this 25th day of September, 1918. [Seal.] ISIDOR W. MÜLLER. Notary Public, New York County, New York Co. Clerk's No. 212, 10027. ter's No. March 30, 1920. Co. Regis Expires |