It seems probable that the Germans hoped, in the first instance, to wear out the Allies' offensive in the Hindenburg zone, in order to secure an unmolested retreat to the Meuse; or, at the worst, to effect the movement by easy stages during the winter. It is clear that they had made no preparations-as they might have done during August and September-for an early abandonment of that zone, which, in consequence, changed its rôle as a battle-position, and became a mere line of resistance to cover the evacuation of stores. Having failed in their original design, they sought to gain time by involving the Allies in a discussion of peace-terms on the basis of President Wilson's Message to Congress. In this way, according to the Libertê,'* they hoped to gain three months, prolonged by two months of winter, during which the armies would be reorganised and the German people prepared for the resumption of the war as a national struggle for existence. In the meantime differences might arise among the Allies, or one or other of them might decline to resume hostilities.

With the miscarriage of this scheme the position became almost desperate; but those who saw in the situation towards the end of October a probability that the German armies would be rounded up in northern France and Belgium were, perhaps, unduly optimistic. It may be doubted whether, even if von Gallwitz had succeeded in holding the critical position, a stand could have been made behind the Meuse; but there was a fighting chance that the armies might reach the Rhine, though with their numbers much reduced, and with a paralysing loss of guns and other equipment.

What caused the sudden demoralisation in von Gallwitz' army-group, and its extension to the armies on his right, remains a mystery. It is suggestive that the débâcle synchronised with the revolutionary outbreak at Kiel (Nov. 3) and the news of the surrender of Austria and Turkey; but the troops on the rest of the front, who, to all appearance, remained comparatively staunch, cannot have been ignorant of these events. So far as fighting was concerned, the troops on the British front

Quoted in the Times,' Oct. 18. The scheme was unfolded at a meeting of German propaganda agents at Berne, on Oct. 7.

had been subjected to a trial at least as severe, and more protracted; and they had, in addition, been exposed to the demoralising influence of a prolonged retreat. But, while the cause of the failure is uncertain, and while opinion may differ as to the probable course of events if it had not occurred, there is little doubt that, but for the suspension of hostilities, it would have sealed the fate of the German armies. From the military point of view one may, perhaps, be allowed to express regret that the Germans' oft-repeated appeal to humanitarian sentiment for which they have, themselves, shown no regard --should have been accepted. The Allied armies were thus deprived of their final and decisive victory, and the enemy was allowed to cherish the belief-as it is said they do that their armies are unbeaten.

W. P. BLOOD.

Art. 15. THE REVOLUTION IN VIENNA.*

ON Saturday, Nov. 16, 1918, we read in the evening paper that an Englishman-the first since the war broke out-a certain Mr Jeffries, representing the 'Daily Mail,' had arrived in Vienna. Mr Jeffries reached Vienna from Innsbrück on the evening of the 12th, the day when the Republic was officially proclaimed; and, in an interview, he had expressed his astonishment at the quietness with which the function passed off. He is reported to have telegraphed to his paper that he saw only one broken window-pane; but, on the other hand, he was struck by the number of well-dressed promenaders on the Ring, and can hardly believe that the population of Vienna, especially the better class, is suffering so severely as is commonly supposed in England.

As a matter of fact, Vienna, as any competent person could have told him, is on the verge of starvation-no food, no clothes, no coals, and a severe winter in prospect. But it is clear that this is Mr Jeffries' first visit to Vienna, otherwise he would have known, first, that the Viennese

The author of this paper has been resident in Vienna since the outbreak of the war (Editor).

are probably the most orderly and best-conducted crowd in Europe; and secondly, that it is the endeavour of each Viennese, no matter how poor and hungry he is, to dress as well as, or even better than, his purse allows him. The Revolution passed off quietly because not one person in ten cared a brass farthing for it politically. It was an experiment; and all that people hoped and still hope from it is that it will put an end to their sufferings and enable them to enjoy life once more. It was the same thing in 1848, as we learn from Grillparzer's Reminiscences.'

The Revolution (if the collapse of the old régime can be called such) was the work of a handful of individuals, at the head of whom stood the editor of the 'Arbeiter Zeitung,' Viktor Adler; but it has little hold on the people except, as we said, as a possible means of evading starvation; and the Arbeiter Zeitung,' which is concerned to keep alive what enthusiasm there exists for the young Republic by emphasising the fact that 'it is the dragon of militarism that has lived in our midst and eaten up our provisions,' is not far wrong in saying that 'we have a republic but no republicans.' Things are different in Hungary and Bohemia, where provisions are cheap and plentiful; but for German Austria food is a crucial question. If the red, white and red flag of the Republic that to-day waves over the Parliament and the Burg means bread, then well and good. If not? It is, therefore, intensely foolish of any well-wisher of the new Republic to suggest that the better class of Viennese, by which we understand the middle-class with fixed incomes, is not, despite its respectable exterior, suffering just as much and even more from lack of food than the workman.*

* A Vienna paper, published shortly before this article was written, says: The middle classes have suffered in the War much worse than the organised working classes. The workman was economically better provided for; his wages were far more proportionate to the rise of prices than the salaries of the civil servants and the teaching body. These classes could obtain the means of life only at usurious prices, while their social position demanded continuous sacrifices in order to keep up appearances according to the recognised standard. The expenditure thereby incurred was only in the rarest cases covered by professional income; those less fortunate were forced either to spend the savings which in time of peace they had toilsomely earned, or to plunge recklessly into debt.'