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traditional pattern of highway planning projects might now reflect, but the fact remains that the traditional highway planning process has been a mixed blessing for many localities at best. The extra investment in planning is far less burdensome than the ultimate breakdown of both local community growth patterns and the highway system itself when initial planning is too narrowly based or inadequately followed through.

It should be recognized that the Federal-aid highway program, in the post-interstate period, will be a primary instrument for urban growth planning and actual development. It has exercised formidable influence on growth planning and development at every level of government during the past 20 years. As a Federal program, it is susceptible to accomplishing much more than just the flow of people and goods at high volume.

In order to become a primary instrument of national urban policy in pursuit of such goals as a suitable living environment, orderly growth and development, and other familiar national declarations, projects under the Federal-aid highway system in the 1970's should not be approved in the absence of local development plans and policies, including zoning and street adjustments, for each new interchange area in the system. The familiar 3-C's (Section 134 planning requirement of the Highway Act of 1962) is not enough. Benefits have been derived in many urban areas from the "Continuing, Comprehensive planning process carried on Cooperatively," and Federal guidelines defining the process are essentially creative. But it is also possible to carry on such process as required by law, without altering the local development process in any way and without obtaining any commitment whatever from the localities benefitted by the highway system that its stimulus will result in anything more than a casual extrapolation of typical trends toward urban sprawl slightly speeded up.

The Federal-aid highway system is too valuable to be wasted, and its potential for realizing local development objectives at the same time is too great to be ignored. Most localities need the financial assistance that the program provides, and it is reasonable to require a crystallization of local development ideas and policies as the quid pro quo in approving Federal-aid highway projects.

Enactment of such a positive local planning requirement would create local incentive to plan and adopt implementing measures sorely needed now to preserve even the long-term serviceability of the highways themselves. Such an enactment would also provide a new creative basis for design of the Federal-aid system and, perhaps more importantly, would reflect the true com

mitment of the Congress and the country to more rational development as a matter of public policy. In extending the Federal-aid highway program into the 1970's, Congress should enact positive local planning and development requirements to be met before Federal-aid highways are approved. Such an enactment would improve both competition and levels of commitment to more rational growth policies among local and metropolitan communities; it would create a major incentive to plan and implement policies, because scarce Federal highway funds would be denied to localities lacking the will to implement more orderly growth by using their available powers.

SUMMARY

The evolution of urban planning in the United States in the period following World War II has been an uneven and sometimes self-conscious adventure in domestic institution building. Growth of the institutional capacity to plan for urban growth has been steady, however; and there is much evidence to suggest that both factual and operational bases for effective urban planning in the United States have become established, despite some formidable inhibitions to effective planning imposed both deliberately and unwittingly by a combination of public ignorance of the planning process itself, perennial under-funding of agencies empowered to plan, and indifferent leadership at all levels of government.

The reality of the nation's emergent capability to plan for growth is unmistakably reflected in the elaborate framework of Federal legislation providing incentives to plan-in the requiring of local planning functions in the nation's growing metropolitan areas; in the recent establishment of 35 new graduate degree programs designed to prepare professionals for careers in the planning field; in the accelerating growth of the ranks of the actual planning profession; and in the pervasive popular disenchantment with the economic, social, and physical consequences of haphazard urban growth. All of the foregoing are at once strong indicators of the growing popularity of the objectives of planning and essential elements of the institutional base for planning per se.

But in spite of these positive indications of an emergent planning capability, the fact remains that the nation has yet to realize more than a minute share of the potential benefits of planning. Some of its most practical benefits, such as achieving economies of scale for systems of public facilities, preventing the emergence and aggravation of environmental hazards and nuisances, and anticipating basic demands for power, transportation, and other utility services, are not being realized

because of the lag of a full generation between the development of urban planning techniques and institutions, on the one hand, and public awareness, understanding, and insistence upon the creative use of these techniques and institutions, on the other.

Planning theory and techniques have been evolving at a far faster rate during the past 20 years than the political institutions that might benefit most from planning, and neither the general public nor the vast majority of local political leaders have been able to assimilate the content of planning as an evolving field or to accommodate its offerings. As a general consequence of this generation lag of public understanding behind the evolution of urban planning, the nation is being deprived of major resources in planning techniques and information which could be used to improve its ability to conduct essential public business and provide a basis for anticipating future problems and opportunities inherent in national growth.

Planning systematically for the growth of a nation, or even of its major subregions, is without doubt a major undertaking and test of will for any society. Planning for population distribution is one of the most sophisticated aspects of general growth and development planning and an especially difficult one in a democratic society. Despite the awesome magnitude and political complexities of such tasks, however, there is substantial evidence to suggest that Americans are beginning to perceive the need for specific planning efforts to integrate the disparate and often conflicting forces of economic growth and development with those inherent in public policies and program actions, in order to preserve economic stability and opportunity as well as amenities and environmental values. The analytical, predictive, and creative capabilities of the emergent institutions of urban planning in the United States are potentially effective factors in the vital process of comprehending and managing urban growth and change. Under the pressures of interdependent urbanization and environmental degradation, urban planning offers one of the only promising approaches to preparing for population growth in the American future.

REFERENCES

1. American Institute of Planners, Constitution, Article II. 2. Norman Williams, Jr., "Planning Law and Democratic Living,” Law and Contemporary Problems, 1955, Vol. 20, p. 317.

3. J. L. Green, Metropolitan Economic Republics (Athens, Ga.: University of Georgia Press, 1965), p. 57.

4. U.S. Congress, Housing Act of 1954, P.L. 83-560, 83rd Cong., 2nd sess., 1954.

5. U.S. Congress, Housing Act of 1949, P.L. 81-171, 81st Cong., 1st sess., 1949.

6. U.S. Dept. of Housing and Urban Development, Housing and Development Trends, May 1968.

7. U.S. Congress, Housing Act of 1961, P.L. 87-70, 87th Cong., 1st sess., 1961.

8. U.S. Congress, Federal-aid Highway Act of 1962, P.L. 89-574, 89th Cong., 2nd sess., 1962.

9. U.S. Congress, Urban Mass Transportation Act of 1964, P.L. 88-365, 88th Cong., 2nd sess., 1964.

10. U.S. Congress, Housing and Urban Development Act of 1965, P.L. 89-117, 89th Cong., 1st sess., 1965.

11. U.S. Congress, Housing Act of 1965, P.L. 89-117, 89th Cong., 1st sess., 1965.

12. U.S. Congress, Demonstration Cities and Metropolitan Development Act of 1966, P.L. 89-754, 89th Cong., 2nd sess., 1966.

13. U.S. Congress, Housing and Urban Development Act of 1968, P.L. 90-448, 90th Cong., 2nd sess., 1968.

14. U.S. Congress, Intergovernmental Cooperation Act of 1968, P.L. 90-577, 90th Cong., 2nd sess., 1968.

15. Nassau-Suffolk Regional Planning Board, Nassau-Suffolk Comprehensive Development Plan (Hopang, Long Island, 1970). 16. Land Use Commission, State of Hawaii Land Use Districts and Regulations Review (Honolulu: State of Hawaii, June 1970).

17. Fairfax County Division of Planning, Preliminary Plan for the Upper Potomac Planning District (Fairfax, Va., 1970).

18. U.S. Dept. of Housing and Urban Development, Agreement Between the United States and Flower Mound New Town, Ltd., 1971.

19. U.S. Federal Aviation Administration and Airport Operators Council International, Planning the Metropolitan Airport Sys tem, May 1970.

20. World Health Organization, Noise: An Occupational Hazard and Public Nuisance, by Alan Bell (Geneva, 1966), p. 100.

21. National Academy of Engineering, Kennedy Airport and Jamaica Bay-A Multidisciplinary Study (Washington: National Academy of Sciences, 1971).

22. Minnesota, Minneapolis Airport Zoning Act, Session Laws (1969), Ch. III.

23. Fairfax County, Va., Department of Planning and Financial Management, A Preliminary Comprehensive Plan, Upper Potomac Planning District, 1970.

24. Composite noise rating (CNR) is a computed value expressing environmental noise exposure for a given location resulting from recurring aircraft operations and related to the subjective response of human beings exposed. Exposure of 115 CNR is widely accepted as an indication of environmental conditions unsuitable for all land use but airports and certain industrial operations or open space. The use of land in zones with CNR values between 100 and 115 residential and related uses is highly questionable.

Chapter 13

Population Education in Elementary and Secondary Schools in the

United States

by

Stephen Viederman
Demographic Division
The Population Council
New York, New York

ACKNOWLEDGMENT

The author wishes to acknowledge the assistance of more than 100 colleagues in the United States and overseas who took the time to read and to offer critical comments on his paper, "Population Education in the United States: A Preliminary Report to the Commission on Population Growth and the American Future." Special thanks are due to Brenda Newman and Lois Kwitman for assistance in preparing the manuscript.

COMMISSION ON POPULATION GROWTH AND THE AMERICAN FUTURE; RESEARCH REPORTS, VOLUME VI, ASPECTS OF POPULATION GROWTH POLICY, EDITED BY ROBERT PARKE, JR. AND CHARLES F. WESTOFF

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Population Education in Elementary and

ABSTRACT

For too long a time, we as a Nation have responded to problems in a reactive fashion, concentrating our time, money, and energy on treating them on an emergency basis, with consequences that could have been avoided if we had exercised more foresight. One of the central lessons of our present difficulties is that we must learn to anticipate both problems and opportunities-in a sustained and systematic way-in advance of their occurrence. To do so is in no way to turn our back on present concerns. We must simultaneously attend to what is urgent, and do our best to foresee and respond to what is imminent.

National Goals Research Staff,

Toward Balanced Growth: Quantity with Quality.
Washington, D.C., 1970

... population growth, the industrial revolution, and our economic and political systems all contribute to our environmental crisis, but none of these factors should be considered the root cause of the crisis. All of these factors are ultimately determined by human decisions which are motivated by human attitudes and values. Pollution, or any other environmental problem is a symptom of our inability to create a society with a set of social values which places the highest priority on our moral responsibility to treat other members of the society and the environment in a humane manner. James Swan, "Environmental Attitudes and Values and Environmental Education." University of Michigan, December 1970.

Nobody ever finds anything education does as sufficient to his cause.

Alan G. Wheeler, Wyoming Department of Education, Personal Communication, July 1971.

The report offers a definition of population education, and discusses the relationship between this field and environmental education, family life and sex education.

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