madness or from habit, as the Galileans* ?? "Let this preparation of the mind (to die) arise from its own judgment, and not from obftinacy like the Chriflians †."

Epic. 1. iv. c. 7.

+ Marc. Aur. Med. 1. xi. c. 3.

CHAP.

CHAP. III.

There is fatisfactory evidence, that many profeffing to be original witnesses of the Chrif tian miracles, paffed their lives in labours, dangers, and fufferings, voluntarily undergone in atteftation of the accounts which they delivered, and folely in confequence of their belief of thofe accounts; and that they alfo fubmitted from the fame motive to new rules of conduct.

Of the primitive condition of Christianity,

a diftant only and general view can be acquired from heathen writers. It is in our own books that the detail and interior of the transaction must be fought for. And this is nothing different from what might be expected. Who would write a history of Christianity but a Chriftian? Who was likely to record the travels, fufferings, labours, or fucceffes of the apostles, but one of their own number, or of their followers? Now

thefe books come up in their accounts to the full extent of the propofition which we maintain. We have four hiftories of Jefus Chrift. We have a history taking up the narrative from his death, and carrying on an account of the propagation of the religion, and of fome of the most eminent perfons engaged in it, for a space of nearly thirty years. We have, what fome may think still more original, a collection of letters, written by certain principal agents in the business, upon the bufinefs, and in the midft of their concern and connection with it. And we have these writings severally attesting the point which we contend for, viz. the fufferings of the witneffes of the hiftory, and attesting it in every variety of form in which it can be conceived to appear; directly and indirectly, exprefsly and incidentally, by affertion, recital, and allufion, by narratives of facts, and by arguments and discourses built upon thefe facts, either referring to them, or neceffarily presupposing them.

I remark this variety, because in examin

ing ancient records, or indeed any fpecies. of teftimony, it is, in my opinion, of the greatest importance to attend to the information or grounds of argument which are cafually and undefignedly difclofed; forasmuch as this fpecies of proof is, of all others, the leaft liable to be corrupted by fraud or mif representation.

I may be allowed therefore, in the enquiry which is now before us, to fuggeft fome conclufions of this fort, as preparatory to more direct teftimony.

1. Our books relate, that Jefus Chrift, the founder of the religion, was, in confequence of his undertaking, put to death, as a malefactor, at Jerufalem. This point at least will be granted, because it is no more than what Tacitus has recorded. They then proceed to tell us, that the religion was, notwithstanding, fet forth at this fame city of Jerufalem, propagated from thence throughout Judea, and afterwards preached in other parts of the Roman empire. These points alfo

are

are fully confirmed by Tacitus, who informs us that the religion, after a fhort check, broke out again in the country where it took its rife; that it not only spread throughout Judea, but had reached Rome; and that it had there great multitudes of converts: and all this within thirty years after its commencement. Now these facts afford a strong inference in behalf of the proposition which we maintain. What could the difciples of Chrift expect for themselves, when they faw their master put to death? Could they hope to escape the dangers, in which he had perished? If they have perfecuted me, they will also perfecute you, was the warning of common fenfe. With this example before their eyes, they could not be without a full fenfe of the peril of their future enterprise.

2. Secondly, all the hiftories agree in reprefenting Chrift as foretelling the persecution of his followers.

"Then shall they deliver you up to be afflicted, and fhall kill you, and ye fhall

be