ferved, took place within thirty-one years after Chrift's death, that is, according to the course of nature, in the life-time, probably, of fome of the apoftles, and certainly in the life-time of thofe who were converted by the apoftles, or who were converted in their time. If then the founder of the religion was put to death in the execution of his defign; if the first race of converts to the religion, many of them fuffered the greatest extremities for their profeffion; it is hardly credible, that those who came between the two, who were companions of the author of the institution during his life, and the teachers and propagators of the inftitution after his death, could go about their undertaking with ease and fafety. The teftimony of the younger Pliny belongs to a later period; for although he was contemporary with Tacitus and Suetonius, yet his account does not, like theirs, go back to the tranfactions of Nero's reign, but is confined to the affairs of his own time. His celebrated letter to Trajan was written VOL. I. about E about feventy years after Chrift's death; and the information to be drawn from it; fo far as it is connected with our argument, relates principally to two points: first, to the number of Chriftians in Bithynia and Pontus, which was fo confiderable as to induce the governor of thefe provinces to fpeak of them in the following terms, Multi, omnis ætatis, utriufque fexûs etiam -neque enim civitates tantum, fed vicos etiam et agros, fuperftitionis iftius contagio "There are many of pervagata eft." every age and of both fexes-nor has the contagion of this fuperftition feized cities only, but fmaller towns alfo, and the open country." Great exertions must have been used by the preachers of Christianity to produce this state of things within this time. Secondly, to a point which hath been already noticed, and which I think of importance to be observed, namely, the fufferings to which Chriftians were expofed, without any public perfecution being denounced against them by fovereign authority. For, from Pliny's doubt how he was to act, his filence concerning concerning any fubfifting law upon the fub ject, his requefting the emperor's refcript, and the emperor, agreeably to his request, propounding a rule for his direction, withbut reference to any prior rule, it may be inferred, that there was, at that time, no public edict against the Chriftians in force. Yet from this fame epiftle of Pliny it appears "that accufations, trials and examinations were, and had been, going on against them, in the provinces over which he prefided; that schedules were delivered by anonymous informers, containing the names of perfons who were fufpected of holding or of favouring the religion; that, in confequence of these informations, many had been apprehended, of whom fome boldly avowed their profeffion, and died in the caufe; others denied that they were Chrif tians; others, acknowledging that they had once been Chriftians, declared that they had long ceafed to be fuch.' All which demonftrates, that the profeffion of Chriftianity was at that time (in that country at least) attended with fear and danger: and yet this took E 2 took place without any edict from the Roman fovereign, commanding or authorizing the perfecution of Chriftians. This obfervation is farther confirmed by a refcript of Adrian to Minucius Fundanus, the proconful of Afia*: from which refcript it appears that the cuftom of the people of Afia was to proceed against the Chriftians with tumult and uproar. This disorderly practice, I fay, is recognized in the edict, because the emperor enjoins, that, for the future, if the Christians were guilty they should be legally brought to trial, and not be pursued by importunity and clamour. Martial wrote a few years before the younger Pliny; and, as his manner was, made the fufferings of the Chriftians the fubject of his ridicule †. Nothing however In matutinâ nuper fpectatus arenâ could Nam could fhew the notoriety of the fact with more certainty than this does. Martial's teftimony, as well indeed as Pliny's, goes also to another point, viz. that the deaths of these men were martyrdoms in the stricteft fenfe, that is to fay, were fo voluntary, that it was in their power, at the time of nouncing the fentence, to have averted the execution, by confenting to join in heathen facrifices. pro The conftancy, and by confequence the fufferings, of the Chriftians of this period, is also referred to by Epictetus, who imputes their intrepidity to madness, or to a kind of fashion or habit; and about fifty years afterwards, by Marcus Aurelius, who afcribes it to obftinacy. "Is it poffible (Epictetus afks) that a man may arrive at this temper, and become indifferent to those things, from Nam cum dicatur tunicâ præfente moleftâ, |