thou thy servant depart in peace." Farewell. My thoughts as to king and state depending upon their actions, no man shall be a more faithful servant to

This doctrine perfectly suited the views of that faction. For the crown having been entailed by act of Parliament on Henry the Fourth and his issue, the house of York saw itself totally exeluded, unless its pretensions could be supported by a title paramount to the power of Parliament. Proximity in blood was its only refuge, and to that the partizans of that house resorted. And in doing so, they brought upon themselves, in my opinion, the whole guilt of that deluge of blood which was afterwards spilt in the unnatural war between the two houses.

It is not to be wondered at, that men whose ambition suggested to them the hope of overturning an establishment, to which themselves, their ancestors, and the whole nation had submitted for more than half a century, should endeavour to convince mankind of the rectitude of their intentions, and the justice of their claim. Nor is it at all surprizing, that their followers, in the heat of the times, should suffer themselves to be so easily convinced. For in the ferment of parties, leaders never blush, and the herd of the party seldom think. But, that persons who are placed at a happy distance from these disastrous times, should in cool blood revive and adopt a doctrine, which hath once laid their country waste, is not so easily accounted for.

But since this hath been done by learned men, among whom lord chief justice Hale's name must be mentioned with all just regard, I will endeavour to point out what I take to have been the radical mistake, which led them into a train of specious but false reasoning upon this subject.

They seem not to have sufficiently attended to the nature and ends of civil powers, whereof the regal dignity is a principal branch. They seem to have considered the crown and royal dignity merely as a descendable property; as an estate or interest vested in the possessor for the emolument and grandeur of himself and heirs, in a regular invariable course of descent: and therefore, in questions touching the succession, they constantly

him than I, if he make the good and prosperity of his people his glory; none more his enemy, if he doth the contrary. To my particular friends I shall

resort to the same narrow rules and maxims of law and justice, by which questions of mere property, the title to a pigstye or a laystall, are governed. And thence conclude, that the legislature itself cannot, without manifest injustice, interrupt the ancient, legal, established order of succession. It cannot, say they, without injustice, give to one branch of the royal family, what by right of blood belongeth to another.

Thus they argue. And if I could conceive of the crown as of an inheritance of mere property, I should be tempted to argue in the same manner. But had they considered the crown and royal dignity, as a descendable office, as a trust for millions, and extending its influence to generations yet unborn; had they considered it in that light, they would soon have discovered the principle upon which the right of the legislature to interpose in cases of necessity is manifestly founded. And that is the salvs populi already mentioned (p. 382) upon a like occasion, etc. etc. etc. which the ingenious reader should peruse.

Observations on some passages in the writings of L. C. J. Hale; relative to the principles on which the revolution and present happy establishment are founded. By (that faithful judge and friend to liberty) Sir Michael Foster.

There is an original and good picture of this extraordinary but unfortunate gentleman, Sir Henry Vane, in the British Museum,

(* If he make the good and prosperity of his people his glory ;) Of a tall stature and of sable hue

Much like the son of Kish, that lofty Jew;
Twelve years compleat he suffer'd in exile,
And kept his father's asses all the while.
At length by wonderful impulse of fate,
The people call him home to mend the state;

be constant on all occasions, and to you a most affectionate servant."

And, what is more, they send him money too,
And clothe him all, from head to foot, anew.
Nor did he such small favours then disdain,
Who in his thirtieth year began his reign.
In a slash'd doublet then he came ashore,
And dubb'd poor Palmer's wife his royal whore.
Bishops, and Deans, Peers, Pimps, and Knights he made,
Things highly fitting for a Monarch's trade!

With women, wine, and viands of delight,
His jolly vassals feast him day and night.
Etc. etc. etc.

An historical poem by A. Marrell.

.......D'où les Anglois remontant au souvenir de la puissance de leurs flottes du temps d'Olivier; de la gloire qu'elles ont remportues sur toutes les mers; les alliances, que toute la terre recherchoit avec eux; de la pompe de la Republique, vers laquelle il venoit des ambassadeurs de tous caustez: ils ne peuvent s'empescher de faire des comparaisons odieuses, et de temoigner quelque disposition à des nouveaux desordres. Ils veulent bien un roi pour la gloire de leur pays. Ils aiment ce tiltre, et preferent cette sorte de gouvernement à toutes les autres. Mais ils reconnoissent, que leur humeur un peu trop libre et arrogante a besoin de ce caveçon; ils ne veulent point aussi le souffrir trop rude, et ils pretendent que leur Roi se doit appliquer uniquement à maintenir la tranquilité publique, à faire vivre heureusement son peuple, et à porter au dehors le plus avant qu'il peut l'honneur et la reputation de sa patrie. Ils disent que c'est pour cela qu'ils l'entretiennent splendidement, et leurs Estats, dans lesquelles proprement reside la puissance Souveraine, ne lui refuseront jamais rein de ce qu'il leur demandera pour satisfaire à ses intentions. Mais qu'il leur fache de voir commettre un chose si importante au sóins d'un Ministre, qui toujours a des interests particuliers, con

After he had continued some time in Italy, he thought proper to draw nearer home, that if an opportunity should offer, "he might not," as General †

traires à ceux du public; qu'il est sensible au peuple de se saigner inutilement, et de voir employer son argent en choses superflués, ou mesme en despences des-honnetes; (rendered in the translation of 1709, "upon base lusts ;") qu'il ne'st pas juste que quelques sang suës de cour en soient remplies elles seules, et que l'on ne navige ou ne laboure, qu'on ne travaille sur mer et sur terre, que pour mettre bien è leur aise un petit nombre de personnes oisives, qui abuseront de la facilitè d'un prince. Ces pensées et ces discours sont conformes a l'humeur arrogante des Anglois, et a la jalousie avec laquelle ils regardent les prosperitez d'autruy. Mais outre la particuliere inclination que la nature leur donne à former des raisonnemens si peu respectueux, ils se sont nouris de longue main dans cette mauvoise habitude par la libertè de leurs Parlemens, d'ont il faut que Je vous raconte l'histoire, telle qu'il me'n souvient ou que Je me la suis figuree, etc. etc. etc.

"Relation d'un voyage en Angleterre." By Mons.

Sorbiere. Printed at Cologne, 1666, in duod. p. 107.

It was hoped and expected, that this prodigious and universal calamity, (the fire of London) for the effects of it covered the whole kingdom, would have made some impression and produced some reformation in the licence of the court. For as the pains the king had taken night and day during the fire, and the dangers he had exposed himself to, even for the saving of the citizens' goods, had been notorious and in the mouths of all men, with many good wishes and prayers for him, so his majesty had been heard during that time to speak with great piety and devotion of the displeasure that God was provoked to. And no doubt the deep sense of it did raise many good thoughts and purposes in his royal breast. But he was narrowly watched

† Memoirs, p. 384, folio edit.

Ludlow observes, "be wanting to his duty and the public service." In his way he visited that General and his friends, in their retirement in Switzerland;

and looked to, that such melancholic thoughts might not long possess him, the consequence and effect whereof was like to be more grievous than that of the fire itself; of which, that loose company that was too much cherished, even before it was extinguished, discoursed as of an argument for mirth and wit to describe the wildness of the confusion all people were in; in which the scripture itself was used with equal liberty, when they could apply it to their profane purposes. And Mr. May presumed to assure the king, "that this was the greatest blessing, that God had ever conferred upon him, his restoration only excepted for the walls and gates being now burned and thrown down of that rebellious city, which was always an enemy to the crown, his majesty would never suffer them to repair and build them up again, to be a bit in his mouth and a bridle upon his neck; but would keep all open, that his troops might enter upon them whenever he thought necessary for his service; there being no other way to govern that rude multitude but by force."

The continuation of the life of Edward Earl of Clarendon, vol. 3. p. 674........See other passages of a like kind in that work. (Midhurst Baptist May, Esq. privy purse, 10001. a year allowance. Got besides, in boons for secret service, 40,000l. This is he that sayd, "Five hundred pounds a year was enough for a country gentleman to drink ale, eat beef, and stink with," etc. A seasonable argument, etc.)

Such unanimity appeared in the proceedings of the new Parliament, or convention as it came afterwards to be called, because it was not summoned by the king's writ, that there was not the least dispute among them but upon one single point; yet that was a very important one. Hale, afterwards the famous chief justice, moved, "That a committee might be ap