of blinding prejudices, familiar with the Bible, so as to be guided by that in estimating the opinions of men, and not by the opinions of men in estimating that? The certainty that is required to give efficacy to truth, points to the Bible. Its truths are infallible, and as simple and plain, as sure. Human opinions are disputable; and what more demoralizing than to see moral positions the subject of controversy? Is it suggested, that there are controversies about the Bible?—This is a mistake. Its positions, its doctrines, its precepts, as these stand expressed upon its pages, are not impugned. (I speak not, of course, of infidel objections.) All the controversy that appears to relate to the Bible, concerns the opinions of men, building their own systems out of it. These opinions of men are the grounds of controversy. It is presumed, that the guards of the Girard College, if the Bible shall be made the text-book of moral education, will effectually exclude this evil. There is another ground on which the Bible should be this text-book. It alone can teach effectually; for it alone has the sanctions and the aids to make its instructions effectual. There is no better teaching than that of Cicero, Lib. 1. De Finibus. "To yield to misfortunes, and bear them weakly, is miserable. By such infirmity of mind many have brought ruin on their relations and friends, some even on their country, but more on themselves." This is fine morality; yet if we were to search history for the strongest case of infirmity in yielding to misfortunes, and bearing them weakly, we should find it probably in the author of this morality, upon the attack, and under the triumph of Clodius. The injury which, by this infirmity, he did to his relations and friends, even to his country, and more to himself, strikingly illustrates his own lesson. Mere instruction, literary or scientific, upon moral subjects, is not moral education. Virtue cannot be implanted by the description, or conception of it, however beautiful or just. Something more is necessary; and this the Bible supplies. The all-seeing, and heart-searching, and holy God; life, its worth, and what constitutes that worth in view of eternity and its retributions; the immortality of the soul; the judgment of the great day; salvation through the Saviour; his pure morality, his lessons of infallible truth resulting from a just consideration of the life that now is, and that which is to come; his Holy Spirit; the will and law of the Most High; these, in the simple form of Bible expression, under the living commentary of deportment manifesting belief of them, sink into the soul, and become an enlightening, strengthening and purifying principle.

I am aware, that Mr. Girard's will contains certain strong and peculiar directions. I read these soon after his will was published, in print, but without minute examination; my recollection of them is very obscure. I believe, however, that there is nothing in them that can be construed into direction against making the Bible the text-book of moral education in his college:-putting it into the hands of the teachers, that they may form the minds and hearts of

the pupils by the standard of its purity, under the power of its motives. These teachers must be laymen. I have before adverted to the inexpediency, I might say perniciousness, of assigning moral and intellectual education to different departments, classes or persons; for, it is the course of nature, that he who ministers to the mind, to supply to it knowledge of science and art, should, by kindred process, minister to it to implant in it principles of uprightness. While all agree, that it is the scope of the Bible to produce purity of heart, and as the result rectitude in motive and conduct; none can be ignorant, that religion is made to involve other matters, for which the preachers of it are strenuous, substituting discord for peace. It is supposed, that Mr. Girard's provision of exclusion applies to the last, not the first; not to Bible truth, but to sectarian religion. This very provision may probably operate much beyond the views of the author, in introducing into the seminaries of this country a highly important improvement in respect to moral education. I believe there is great need of this improvement. I apprehend, that moral education in schools and seminaries is very low. I recur to my own experience, and repeat, that the means of moral education employed under my observation, contrary to their design, in subversion of their object, tended to undermine morality; and this will continue to be the case, until means more congenial to the human mind, are used.

It appears to me, that there are plain indications in this country, that proper attention is not bestowed on moral education. It is well worth inquiry, whether this branch, as it is conducted in seminaries generally, be not a failure; whether there is not ground for supposing that, to a great extent, it is a mischief rather than a benefit? The subject is of vast importance; it deserves much consideration.

I have little space for the residue of your System; nor is it necessary that I should notice it in detail. The course of study for the third and fourth classes, appears to me judicious. I am glad to see so much knowledge demanded, and so just a view of branches that once occupied much attention, for no purpose but to waste time. I should strike from both of these classes ethics and moral philosophy. I consider, that there is no use in rhetoric. It is one of those studies that accomplish nothing. In respect to logic and intellectual philosophy, these should be studied so far only as to learn the names and general uses of the mental faculties. Euclid is the best logic in the world. As to intellectual philosophy, a high sounding name: if I were desirous to disqualify a man for all usefulness in practical life, I would make him a metaphysician. Logic and intellectual philosophy are the remains of the scholastic lore which darkened the middle ages, and resisted returning light, until the philosophy of Bacon inflicted its death-wound. After this, it long maintained its ascendency in colleges, where to WRANGLE and dispute

were considered accomplishments of the first order; while useful knowledge, with great difficulty, and by slow advances, has worked its way into them.

Upon the principle stated, in respect to the infant class, I should make physiology, chemistry, and natural history and philosophy, subjects of attention by way of recreation, during all the years of the third and fourth classes.

Until the examination of your System, I had never made Mr. Girard's provision for endowing a college the subject of reflection. Upon this examination, I perceive, that this provision affords the means of vast public good. This is, probably, the only opportunity I shall ever have of suggesting any views respecting it: I have embraced it in the hope that I may lead you to propose something that may be a benefit to the youth of our country. Much, I think, is to be feared in leaving moral education to be provided for as a distinct branch, in a system formed for it separately. It will be overdone. The superfluities may be of more mischief, than would be its entire omission. It is, in my view, properly incidental to intellectual education, as a part of it. In a separate form, it will be regarded as a fungus-a thing at which to vent spleen and make jests..

Very respectfully, yours,

WILLARD HALL.

We have thought proper in this place to introduce the views of Noah Webster, Esq., on the subject of the Christian Religion, expressed in his interesting letter, a portion of which will be found on the thirteenth page.

Now, Sir, in my view, the Christian religion is the most important and one of the first things in which all children, under a free government, ought to be instructed. In this Institution, it is of more importance, as the pupils will be orphans, and may be destitute of parental instruction.

No truth is more evident to my mind, than that the Christian religion must be the basis of any government intended to secure the rights and privileges of a free people. The opinion that human reason, left without the constant control of divine laws and commands, will preserve a just administration, secure freedom and other rights, restrain men from violations of laws and constitutions, and give duration to a popular government, is as chimerical as the most extravagant ideas that enter the head of a maniac. The history of the whole world refutes the opinion; the Bible refutes it; our own melancholy experience refutes it.

When I speak of the Christian religion as the basis of government, I do not mean an ecclesiastical establishment, a creed, or rites, forms and ceremonies, or any compulsion of conscience. I mean primitive Christianity, in its simplicity, as taught by Christ and his apostles; consisting in a belief in the being, perfections and moral government of God; in the revelation of his will to men, as their supreme rule of action; in man's accountability to God for his conduct in this life, and in the indispensable obligations of all men to yield entire obedience to God's commands in the moral law and in the Gospel. This belief and this practice may consist with different forms of church government, which, not being essential to Christianity, need not enter into any system of education.

Where will you find any code of laws, among civilized men, in which the commands and prohibitions are not founded on Christian principles? I need not specify the prohibition of murder, robbery, theft, trespass; but commercial and social regulations are all derived from those principles, or intended to enforce them. The laws of contracts and bills of exchange are founded on the principle of justice, the basis of all security of rights in society. The laws of insurance are founded on the Christian principle of benevolence, and intended to protect men from want and distress. The provisions of law for the relief of the poor are in pursuance of Christian principles. Every wise code of laws must embrace the main principles of the religion of Christ.

Now the most efficient support of human laws is, the full belief that the subjects of such laws are accountable to higher authority than human tribunals. The halter and the penitentiary may restrain many men from overt criminal acts; but it is the fear of God, and a reverence for his authority and commands, which alone can control and subdue the will, when tempted by ambition and interest, to violate the laws. Whatever superficial observers may think, it is beyond a question, that the small band of real Christians, has more influence in securing order and peace in society, than all the civil officers of government. Just in proportion as the influence of such men is impaired, is the increase of crimes, and outrages upon the rights of individuals and upon the public peace.

The foundation of all free government, and of all social order, must be laid in families and in the discipline of youth. Young persons must not only be furnished with knowledge, but they must be accustomed to subordination, and subjected to the authority and influence of good principles. It will avail little that youths are made to understand truth, and correct principles, unless they are accustomed to submit to be governed by them. The speculative principles of natural religion will have little effect, or none at all, unless the pupil is made to yield obedience to the practical laws of Christian morality. And the practice of yielding such obedience must be familiar and wrought into habit in early life, or the instruction of teachers will, for the most part,

be lost on his pupils. To give efficacy to such a course of education, the pupil must believe himself to be accountable, for his actions, to the Supreme Being, as well as to human laws; for without such belief, no dependence can be had upon his fidelity to the laws, when urged to violate them by strong passions, or by the powerful temptations of present advantage. The experience of the whole world evinces that all the restraints of religion and law are often insufficient to control the selfish and malignant passions of men. Any system of education, therefore, which limits instruction to the arts and sciences, and rejects the aids of religion, in forming the character of citizens, is essentially defective.

In giving this view of my opinions, I am aware that I expose myself to the obloquy of modern philosophers. But this I disregard, for I have, in support of my opinions, the experience of the whole civilized world, as well as the proofs presented by inspired truth,, from the beginning to the end of the Bible; that book, which the benevolent Creator has furnished for the express purpose of guiding human reason in the path of safety, and the only book which can remedy, or essentially mitigate the evils of a licentious world. From a full conviction of these truths, I firmly believe, that without material changes in the principles now prevalent in the United States, our republican government is destined to be of short duration.

An attempt to conduct the affairs of a free government with wisdom and impartiality, and to preserve the just rights of all classes of citizens, without the guidance of divine precepts, will end in disappointment. God is the supreme moral governor of the world he has made, and as he himself governs with perfect rectitude, he requires his rational creatures to govern themselves in like manner. If men will not submit to be controlled by His laws, He will punish them by the evils resulting from their own disobedience. Be pleased, Sir, to accept the respects of yours, &c.

N. WEBSTER.

From Dr. N. Chapman, Professor of the Institutes and Practice of Medicine in the University of Pennsylvania.

Sir: That the scheme of education which you have proposed for the Girard College is very ample, and the details, so far as they go, display a thorough knowledge of the subject, cannot, I think, be doubted. But how far it is applicable to that institution, as designed by the founder of it, I am not prepared to express any opinion at present.

I am, sir, most respectfully,

N. CHAPMAN.