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THE NAVY IN THE EAST INDIES

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swearing to expel the British, easily captured that place. Thus the war spread quickly from the Coromandel coast, whose harbourless expanse swept by the north-east autumnal monsoon hindered fleet action, to the vast and fertile delta of the Ganges, favourable to the exercise of sea power. Fortunately at Madras were two leaders equal to the emergency. Admiral Watson, with four sail of the line and three smaller craft, was under orders to go home; but on receipt of the black news, he decided to disobey orders and remain. Nay, more, at the request of the Madras council, he finally resolved to venture with his warships and transports into the Hooghly, conveying all the Madras troops under Clive for the recovery of Calcutta.1

Under the imminent menace of the arrival of a French fleet, and braving the blasts of the autumnal monsoon, the little force beat up deviously towards the Hooghly. There it rescued the survivors from Calcutta, and at Christmas 1756 neared the Nawab's forts. The ships' broadsides, aiding decisively the moves of Clive's troops on land, made short work of these defences and finally recaptured Fort William, our losses there being negligible. Far more serious was the next operation, against Chandernagore, the French stronghold upstream, which mounted some sixty guns. The defenders having partly blocked the river, the flagship Kent (70) was badly raked by the guns of the citadel; but the Tiger (60), almost alone, overpowered the defence, and the place surrendered (23 March 1757). Clive now had a sure base in case of hostilities with the Nawab, which soon reopened. For operations higher up the river the ships could not be used; but their armed boats supported his northward march, and enabled him to cross the river at Plassey and there win his dramatic triumph, thereafter covering the flank of the pursuers as far as Patna (26 July). This conquest of Bengal offers the first example of a systematic and brilliantly successful co-operation of fleet (or flotilla) with army. It foreshadowed that in the St Lawrence.

Unlike the later effort of Saunders and Wolfe, the Ganges campaign was carried out under the threat of the advent of a great French fleet, which, after capturing defenceless Madras, should have bottled up Watson's fleet in the Hooghly. These chances the French lost by nine months. Sailing finally in April 1757 (still the time of lax control by Pitt's predecessors) the French fleet, after further delays, did not approach Pondicherry until 28 April 1758. Pocock, Watson's successor, awaited them near that port, for all was quiet in Bengal. With a slightly inferior force he beat them off, but could not prevent their commodore, Comte d'Aché, landing his troops. These, under General Lally, won success after success, and threatened to overrun the Carnatic. Lally's hopes of triumph were, however, dashed by the

1 Forrest, Sir G. W., Life of Clive, 1, 269–78.

2 Ibid. vol. 1, chaps. xvii-xix, vol. I, chap. i; Rose, J. H., The Indecisiveness of Modern War and other Essays (Essay 5).

CHBE I

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retreat of Aché, who, after another indecisive action with Pocock, retired to Île de France for repairs. During his absence (prolonged to a year by the lack of the usual food supplies from the Hooghly) two mishaps befell the French in India. Lally's close leaguer of Madras was broken by the arrival of Captain Kempenfelt's light squadron with reinforcements and stores (16 February 1758); and French control of the Circars district was overthrown by Clive's opportune despatch from Bengal of a force under Colonel Forde, which, landing on that coast, took the enemy by surprise, and finally, with naval help, captured Masulipatam (8 April 1759). British control was thus extended over a fertile coastal district which had nourished Pondicherry.1 Aché's reappearance off that port was brief. On 10 September 1759 with eleven ships he failed to beat Pocock's nine, and, distressed by his damages, again made for Île de France, not to return. Consequently under Eyre Coote the British troops gradually gained the upper hand, the campaign ending early in 1761 by close naval and military co-operation that ensured the capture of Pondicherry.2 Events thus justified Clive's forecast of 7 January 1759 that our naval supremacy, if rightly used, must lead to supremacy in India.3

Meanwhile the vigour of Pitt and Anson had retrieved the situation in Europe and America. By degrees the covering operations in home waters (the key to the whole overseas problem) were more efficiently conducted. In February 1758 Vice-Admiral Osborn with an efficient fleet, based on Gibraltar, thwarted the efforts of La Clue and the Toulon force to pass out to Louisbourg. Another blow, struck by Hawke in April 1758 at the Rochefort convoy, for the same destination, virtually sealed the doom of the fortress. At the end of 1757, Pitt prepared a triple attack on Canada. The chief force was to sail early in 1758 against Louisbourg and thence against Quebec, the French being distracted by attacks on Montreal and their western forts. The thirteen colonies were urged to do their utmost, England supplying pay, arms and artillery. In May Boscawen mustered at Halifax twenty-three sail, eighteen frigates or sloops and 150 transports, with 11,600 regulars under General Amherst and about 3000 colonial levies. Several French warships having gone to protect Quebec, there lay at Louisbourg only six sail, seven frigates and about 3000 regulars, with as many seamen and irregulars.4 The landing of the British through high surf in Gabarus Bay on 8 June was deemed by Colonel James Wolfe "a rash and ill-advised attempt"; but, owing to the passivity of the French main force, it succeeded. With

1 Forrest, II, 76-84, 104-116; Cambridge, R. O., War in India (1750-61), 1762, pp. 256, 268-86; Beatson, II, 118-26.

Cambridge, ad fin.; Corbett, vol. п, chap. iv; Clowes, II, 197–200.

3 Malcolm, Life of Clive, II, 119.

4 Corresp. of Pitt with Colonial Governors, ed. Kimball, G. S., II, 94-106; Corbett, vol. 1, chaps. xv, xvi, vol. II, chap. vii.

CHOISEUL'S PLAN OF INVASION

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Boscawen's close blockade the siege could have but one result; and a dashing boat attack by night on the French warships in the harbour brought about the surrender on 26 July, though too late for the projected attack on Quebec. Île St Jean (renamed Prince Edward Island) was also reduced. Pitt soon decided to dismantle Louisbourg and partly block the harbour-mouth so that thenceforth Halifax became the sole naval base in those waters.1

3

A new phase of the war opened at the end of 1758, with the advent to power at Versailles of a statesman rivalling Pitt in foresight and firmness. Like him the Duc de Choiseul resolved to snatch victory from defeat. "The war is not lost", he burst out, "nothing is lost but your heads." He now resolved to concentrate on the maritime and American war much of the strength which France had devoted to the German campaigns. Instead of throttling Frederick, he would invade England, recover Louisbourg and save Canada. To this end Prince Charles would land in the Firth of Clyde with 20,000 Frenchmen, and at Edinburgh meet 10,000 Swedes (perhaps also 10,000 Russians) landed at Leith. A league of the neutrals was further to fluster the islanders and compel them to centripetal moves fatal to their world projects. On the surface the scheme looked well; for the chief neutrals, especially Spain and Sweden, chafed at the new "Rule of 1756"3` and at high-handed seizures of ships by British privateers. A general maritime league against England seeming imminent, Pitt acted cautiously, as was indeed necessary; for not until the conquest of Canada could the Navy dispense with the naval stores coming mainly from the Baltic.5 Therefore, at his instance, Parliament forbade harsh and unjust action by the privateers (June 1759), but maintained the rule as fair and just. Above all Anson, Hardwicke and he knew that Choiseul's terrorising mechanism could not move so long as Hawke and Boscawen countered the Brest and Toulon fleets, thereby nullifying the vast apparatus of French transports and troops at Quiberon, the flotilla at Havre, Jacobite schemes, and Swedish and Russian invading armies. Anson and his compeers had not lived through the years 1745 and 1746 for naught. They saw through the landsman's bluff, and their experience now added to the sound body of naval doctrine which was to save England and her Empire in 1805 and 1914-16.

When, on 4 June 1759, Pitt assured the British ambassador at Madrid that the French plans would make no difference to His Majesty's conduct of the war, a great fleet, convoying some 8500 troops under General Wolfe, was nearing the St Lawrence. Vice

1 Kimball, 1, 260-75, 281-309, II, 250.

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* Waddington, 11, 483-5; Méms. du Duc de Choiseul, p. 383.

3 Vide infra, p. 551.

F.O., Spain, 159, Earl of Bristol to Pitt, 26 Feb. 1758; Yorke, II, 312-14; Jenkinson, C., Conduct of Gt. Britain to Neutral Nations (1758).

Albion, R. G., Forests and Sea Power, chaps. iv, vi.
F.O., Spain, 160, Pitt to Earl of Bristol, 4 June 1759.

Admiral Saunders, skilfully threading the dreaded Traverse, anchored off Île d'Orleans, below Quebec, and on 27 June began to land the troops. His twenty-two sail of line, five frigates and sixteen sloops at once dominated the lower river; but Montcalm mustered at Quebec and on the Beauport cliffs some 4000 regulars, 11,000 Canadian militia, and seamen from the French light craft withdrawn far upstream. Besides, owing to an inadequate watch kept on the estuary he had received stores from France. Wolfe's task therefore seemed impossible. His chief hope was that Amherst, who with the main force had gone to Lake George to repair the disaster at Ticonderoga in July 1758, would now drive the French down the Richelieu River and threaten Montreal. Amherst, however, could not keep troth until a year later. There remained the fleet and flotilla, which, operating on a great tidal river, could endow Wolfe's scanty numbers with mobility and power of sudden attack.

Yet only by degrees were these advantages utilised to the full. In order to safeguard the ships when lying in the best berth, Quebec Basin, troops were landed on the south shore and soon occupied and fortified Pointe Lévis, opposite Quebec. Under cover of the new batteries light craft began on 18 July to pass above Quebec and harass Montcalm's communications.1 Nevertheless on the 31st Wolfe attacked the French left flank resting on the Montmorency River, where the ships could not help him effectively, and suffered a sharp reverse. Thereafter he fell ill and was discouraged at hearing from the upstream flotilla no news of Amherst. Still, that flotilla, under Rear-Admiral Holmes, was at work, thinning out, luring to and fro, and wearying the French forces, so that Wolfe's three brigadiers finally brought him to the resolve (previously considered and rejected) to transport the troops and attack the city from above. This he did early in September, and, modifying their plan of a landing above Cap Rouge, he prepared to land before dawn of 13 September at a cove only two miles above Quebec.2 Holmes skilfully carried out this operation, which he termed "the most hazardous and difficult I was ever engaged in".3 The troops, 4800 strong, began to ascend the gulley, surprised the guard, and formed on the Heights of Abraham before Bougainville with a watching force of 2100 men upstream knew what was happening; and his men and his horses were too wearied by marching to menace the British rear (or perhaps were lured away by Holmes's boats running up with the tide).* Below the city the fleet paralysed the defence; for, early on the 13th, Saunders with the heavy ships began to threaten a landing in force below Quebec, thereby holding back at Beauport French troops that should have turned the scales of war on the Heights. Wolfe, at the 1 Kimball, п, 150-2; Wood, W., Logs of the Conquest of Canada, pp. 238-40. Kimball, 11, 151, 157; Doughty, A., Siege of Quebec, vol. I, chaps. xii, i; Mahon, Life of General Murray, pp. 140-60; Waddington, III, 310-33. 4 Doughty, ш, 96, 107.

3 Wood, W., Logs, p. 158.

BRITISH NAVAL SUCCESSES IN 1759-60

533 hour of death, gained a glorious success, soon to be followed by the surrender of the city. Essentially, the triumph was due to the loyal co-operation of Navy and Army. Indeed military historians admit that the “credit for the fall of Quebec belongs rather to the Navy than to the Army", and "the strategic issue of the entire campaign, and of the battle itself, depended on the Navy".2

Successes overseas availed little unless clinched by triumph in Europe. This was assured in 1759 by the victories of Minden (1 August), Lagos (19 August) and Quiberon (20 November). The two last were the only tangible results of Choiseul's invasion schemes; for he ordered out the Toulon fleet to start them and the Brest fleet to complete them. Boscawen, completing his refit at Gibraltar, was warned by his outlook frigate of the approach of twelve French sail from the east. Hurrying out, he caught them next day scattered, and in a running fight to Lagos captured three sail and drove two ashore. The rest, after sheltering in Cadiz, finally crept back to Toulon. Undaunted, Choiseul ordered out the Brest fleet. "Sweden is waiting for us", he wrote, "I fear she will not wait long. With a foreboding of disaster, Admiral Conflans put out while Hawke was driven off by a gale; but the latter, flying back from Torbay, sighted the enemy off Quiberon; and a wild chase into the bay ended at nightfall in the destruction or disabling of half the French fleet (20 November).3

Such was the news which greeted the new Spanish monarch, Charles III, after his arrival from Naples at Madrid. On hearing of the fall of Quebec, he had felt gloomy forebodings, and resolved to offer his mediation for re-establishing the balance of power in North America. Quiberon shattered that resolve and strengthened Pitt's resolve to reject any such mediation. Charles, accepting the rebuff, pressed on naval construction. Pitt and Anson met his efforts by redoubled efforts. Thus in and after 1760 British fleets surveyed not only Brest and Toulon, but also Rochefort, thereby starving all French attempts to relieve Canada, the Carnatic and the West Indies. The results were successively the loss of Montreal, Pondicherry, Dominica, Martinique and St Lucia.

After the fall of Montcalm, most of his troops fled from Quebec towards Three Rivers near which were three French frigates well guarded. With these and transports General de Lévis in April 1760 sailed downstream, and, in the absence of a covering fleet, defeated General Murray's depleted British garrison. Quebec would probably have fallen but for the opportune arrival of British warships from Halifax (9-15 May). These soon disposed of the three frigates, where1 Fortescue, J. W., Hist. of the British Army, п, 387.

Wood, W., Fight for Canada, p. 263.

Corbett, vol. II, chap. i; Callender, pp. 164-5; Beatson, II, 400-22.

F.O., Spain, 160, 161, Bristol to Pitt, 10 Dec. 1759, Jan.-Feb. 1760; Bourguet, Choiseul et l'Alliance espagnole, pp. 64-94. 5 Grenville Papers, 1, 349.

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