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139 were milk shops, 102 shops of general small dealers, 93 sweet shops, and 104 tobacco shops. Therefore, just half the number of shops said to be open on Sunday at Birkenhead would naturally fall under a schedule of exemptions. I think it is true, therefore, to say, that when the case of the small trader is pleaded against any further restrictions upon Sunday trading, we must qualify it by undoubted facts of this kind.

Then, if I may, I would like to say a word based on what has passed under my own notice. Most of us who speak from this bench have had peculiar opportunities of entering closely into the habits of the poorest of the people, and I cannot help thinking that this matter is one which at bottom really turns upon whether or not we can wisely regulate,

from time to time, the habits of our

eggs and other perishable things which might reasonably be supposed to meet the actual needs of people living in that locality, but also crockery, hardware, new and second-hand clothes, bales of cloth, nails, machinery, bicycles, clocks and watches, as well as dogs, hens, birds, and pets of all kinds. This very heterogeneous market had naturally attracted round it persons who came with various kinds of amusements. I will not say there were many of these, but they that in this neighbourhood, owing to undoubtedly were there. I am told strenuous efforts on the part of the local authority, the character of these markets has been improved to a great extent, which used to take place has been put and much of the gambling and betting down. At the same time it would have been possible, so far as I could see yesterday, not only to buy the usual little articles sold by cheap jacks, but also to have your weight taken and a shy at a

There were also other accomcocoanut. paniments more of the nature of a fair. People were moving about the streets very thickly, and were content, at any rate in the early part of the morning, to be amused. It seems to be the habit to spend Sunday morning in this way. The crowds, good natured and good tempered, move up and down in order to be amused by the auctioneers, who naturally make them the butt of their observations. It is a matter of habit. This is just as much the thing to do in some of these localities as it is at the seaside the thing to do to walk about on the promenade on the Sunday. But the best of the working men and lads who are members of clubs and other Church organisations in the district tell us that it would be no hardship whatever to stop the greater part of this Sunday traffic. I attach the greatest value to this particular evidence, because it comes from those who frequent these fairs and are accustomed to purchase things there. When you ask them they tell you that even the Sunday shave is not a real necessity, and that if it were stopped men would certainly get shaved on Saturday night.

poorer classes. The President of the Local Government Board, the Right Hon. John Burns, was quoted as saying that gentle pressure ought to be put upon the working classes in this matter. Surely if there is one thing which Parliament is not only competent but even called upon to do, it is wisely and gently to regulate those habits into which large masses of our people may fall, by which, without intending it, they may either impair the high standard of reverence which belongs to this country, or be, in their several localities, a nuisance to their neighbours. This question is largely a question of the habits of the people. There can be no doubt that a large amount of unnecessary trading is carried on on Sunday. It has become the habit, in certain localities, for the people to do their shopping on the Lord's Day, and they have fallen into the habit simply because it has been allowed; and the reason it has been allowed is that the legislation on the subject is so antiquated, and the fines imposed so small, that it is impossible to put an effectual stop to it. This Sunday trading threatens to do infinite harm to the social and religious life of many of our people in our largest cities. Take Whitechapel. I was in Petticoat Lane only yesterday, and had a look round among the hawkers and shopkeepers. In the few streets through which I had to pass I saw not only bread, meat, poultry, fish, oysters, vegetables, The Lord Bishop of Wakefield.

I do not wish to say very much on the religious side of the question-a plea which always receives in this House the great respect, consideration, and sympathy

no sympathy with measures of pure restriction. I do not believe that, directly or actively, religion can be promoted by Act of Parliament, but there are certain hindrances to moral and social improvement on the part of our people which Parliament should remove, and I think this great increase in Sunday trading is one of those hindrances. The only possible quiet time for the very poor in our cities is on a Sunday, and to have this taken away through the great increase in Sunday trading is a serious hardship to them.

which it should receive. I, for one, have a great convenience to motorists and cyclists and all people using the highway. I do not know whether the noble Lord has considered the question of exempting them in any legislation to be brought in. Uniformity is desirable if you can get it, but I do not think you should press for too much uniformity in this matter. The right rev. Prelate, if he were motoring from one church to another to deliver one of his eloquent sermons, would, I think, be greatly annoyed if he had to stop on the roadside between two towns and found that he could not get the necessary material to repair a tire or obtain petrol for his engine. There will have to be many exceptions in a Bill of this kind.

This is a small piece of social reform which we ask Parliament to take up, but behind it are to be found two great streams of influence-the jealousy of our workers to preserve one day's rest in seven, and the conscience of the religious, thinking people of the country. Unless the question is taken up soon it is one of those increasing evils which will get a great hold upon us and will become more and more difficult to be tackled. I trust, therefore, that your Lordships will favourably receive the Motion which has been placed before you by the noble Lord opposite.

LORD MONTAGU OF BEAULIEU: My Lords, although I agree with the principle of the Resolution and with what has been said by the right rev. Prelate, I think the Resolution as it stands may be misunderstood outside as meaning more than perhaps is advisable at the present moment. There are several kinds of hardships that were not in the minds of the Committees. Take the Port of Southampton, for instance. Everybody knows how irregular ships are in arrival, and that vessels expected on Saturday frequently do not come in till Sunday. This naturally involves a great deal of Sunday labour and great inconvenience to many engaged in shipping who are unable to obtain what they want on the Saturday; and in a place like Southampton the local authority ought to have power to exempt that particular locality. Then there is another kind of trader who does a very large business on Sunday -the small man on the main roads who repairs bicycles and sells petrol and material for repairing tyres for motor

cars.

These repairing shops have become

Though I do not disagree in the least with the principle contained in the Motion, I feel that something ought to be said on behalf of the small trader, whose existence is always a precarious one, and who is not in a position to defend himself in the same way as the larger trader. The small streets in the East End and in our large towns contain a great number of these shops, run by traders whose only chance of making ends meet is by keeping open when their larger competitors are closed. These traders should not be overlooked, and I would ask Lord Avebury when he introduces his Bill not to overlook the shops which are so essential for the convenience of motorists and cyclists. There are between 250,000 and 300,000 cyclists on the roads on a Sunday, and to deprive them of the facilities they at present enjoy by closing the shops of the traders to whom I have referred would be a great injustice.

THE DUKE OF NORTHUMBERLAND: My Lords, the speech we have just heard is a good illustration of the misunderstanding there is with regard to a measure of this kind. The noble Lord who has just sat down asked us to consider the case of ports and of ships coming in late. We took a great deal of evidence on that subject. How, I ask, are the men who work in the docks affected by the closing of shops on Sunday? Their requirements, when a ship comes in late, would be for refreshments, and refreshments are expressly excluded by the recommendations of the Committee. There is no reason why, because a ship comes in late, a docker should have power

to buy crockery on a Sunday; and there- | creasing, and the evidence we had was fore if you exempt a few classes of shops that the shopkeepers who opened on you meet that objection altogether. I Sunday in many cases were very unventure to say there is no real force in the willing to do so but were compelled by shipping argument. There is no diffi- competition. Thus Sunday trading goes culty whatever in making exemptions on spreading. which will remove all injustice in that direction.

Then the noble Lord told us that the small trader was able to compete with the large trader because he could remain open when the large trader had closed. I should like to ask whether, speaking generally, the small trader and his customers are not totally different from the large trader and his customers. It is not a question of the smaller trader competing against the larger trader. The real question is whether there is any necessity, in those parts of London and our large cities which are inhabited by the lower classes, for these small traders to keep open on Sunday for the sake of the same customers as use those shops on week days. The evidence we had before the two Committees seems to me to be overwhelmingly in favour of closing these shops. I quite agree that certain exemptions must be made. It is a matter of argument in what particular direction and by what particular machinery those exemptions should be carried out, and in the two Reports in question there will be found suggestions of different kinds for meeting these difficulties.

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I admit what Lord Zouche said, that the Jews a great difficulty. We went very fully into the Jewish question, and had the advantage of a gentleman of that persuasion as a member of the Committee. I think those who were on the Committee will support me when I say that the Jews recognised that we went as far as it was possible for us to go to meet them, and they sympathised with us very much in our desire to secure one day's rest a week, which, of course, is their principle. I will not detain your Lordships by going into the various suggestions which were made by the Committee for meeting this difficulty, but I do wish earnestly to support the appeal made to His Majesty's Government to take this matter up. I feel very strongly what was said by the right rev. Prelate that every day you delay you make the difficulty of dealing with it more serious. Sunday trading is inThe Duke of Northumberland.

Take a suburb in which there is no Sunday trading and no wish for Sunday trading. A man goes down to that suburb, sets up a business, and opens his shop on Sunday. All the other traders of the same kind are compelled, they say, to open on Sunday, otherwise the competition is so great that they suffer in consequence. That is spreading more and more the longer dealing with this matter is delayed. I do not think any one can contend that there has not been sufficient inquiry on the subject. We reported unanimously, although we were not unanimous on every detail, that something should be done, and we reported that under the exemptions provided by the Bill introduced by Lord Avebury no serious inconvenience would be caused. That, I think, is a sufficiently full justification for something being done by His Majesty's Government, and I do trust they will give us some encouragement and will tell us that we may expect legislation on the subject.

EARL BEAUCHAMP: My Lords, the noble Lord who has raised this question again to-day will probably have anticipated the answer I have to give on behalf of His Majesty's Government. It is that His Majesty's Government have already given pledges with regard to so many measures of first-class importance that they are quite unable to introduce a measure of this character,

which would certainly cause a great deal of controversy, and take up large portion of the time of both Houses

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of Parliament. I think there are noble Lords on the other side of the House who are of opinion that too much legislation is already proposed by Hi Majesty's Government, and I hope, therefore, that we shall have their support in asking the noble Lord to withdraw the Resolution he has put on the Paper.

I do not think there is any doubt about the fact that most Members of your Lordships' House agree with the general principle that it is desirable, as much as possible, to decrease the amount

of trading done on Sundays, but it is very difficult to decide the best way to carry out that principle. There is also some doubt in regard to urgency. Even the Committee which sat last year did not say that there was any immediate necessity for legislation; and if we refer to the figures in regard to Birkenhead, to which reference has been made, it will be seen that there is no great reason to suppose that, even in Birkenhead, any great increase in Sunday trading has taken place. The figures which were given were that in one or two years the number of shops opened on Sundays had increased from 609 to 683. The Mayor of Birkenhead, who gave us that evidence, did not tell us how great a proportion of that increase was due to those shops which would certainly be exempted under the Bill the noble Lord introduced last year, and I think it is very doubtful if they would not be found to be chiefly shops that would be so exempted.

It is clear that there would be a great deal of opposition to the Bill even if some of the misapprehension which already exists could be removed. Lord Zouche referred to the question of Sunday employment, but I do not think he quite understood that if his definition of Sunday employment were to be accepted by your Lordships' House, and incorporated in a Bill, it would be impossible for railway companies or tramway companies to employ their servants, and travel generally would become impossible. The fact is that the moment you come to consider the matter in detail you find it bristles with difficulties. There is an unfortunate tendency on the part of most men who work hard during the week to get up later and later on the Sunday morning, and we see the consequence in the markets to which reference has already been made. If you legalise these markets up to a certain hour you will find that most of the people who go to buy there will go at the last possible moment, and it is not unlikely that you would have people making their purchases even later than they do at present.

The Committee which sat last year sounded no very certain note, after all, with regard to the lines on which legislation should proceed. It is quite true, as the noble Lord and the noble Duke pointed out, that they were technically

unanimous in their Report, but it is instructive to read the proceedings of the Committee during the consideration of the Report. I think it would be difficult to find a Report which underwent so much amendment in the course of its consideration. There were constant divisions, and in a certain number of them the votes were equally divided even on very important questions. On the one hand, there is a tendency to strengthen the penalties that already exist under the Act of Charles II., while, on the other hand, there is a tendency to contract the operation of that law. Therefore you have two different tendencies, both of which find a prominent place in the Report.

But perhaps still more important is a tendency which showed itself towards legislation in an entirely different direction, and to insist on the principle of one day's rest in seven. I venture to think that is a very different matter altogether. That is the line on which legislation has lately proceeded in France, and it has, I think, the support of most of the trade unions; and I am sure that if this matter came to be discussed in Parliament the noble Lord would find two hostile camps-one asking for the prevention of Sunday trading and the other insisting on the principle of one day's rest in seven. On page 16 of the Report your Lordships will see that a Motion was submitted by my noble relative Lord Weardale, in which he moved that the principle of one day's rest in seven should be the line on which the recommendation should be made, and though there were four content there were four not-content, and the Resolution was not carried. I mention that because I wish to lay emphasis on the fact that that proposition was a symptom of a considerable change which is taking place in people's minds in regard to this subject. There is a tendency now that legislation should proceed rather upon those lines than upon the lines of the Act of Charles II. or on the lines proposed by the noble Lord opposite.

Then there is the Jewish difficulty. I was particularly interested in the evidence which Lord Zouche brought us from Haggerston of the general opinion in that neighbourhood. The difficulty with regard to the Jews is this, that

you will have to legislate rather against bad Jews than against good Jews. There is a large proportion of Jews who do without doubt keep their Sabbath, and it is possible to make out a good case for those persons being allowed to trade on Sunday; but once you allow Jews generally to trade on Sunday it will be very difficult to discriminate between those Jews who had kept their own Sabbath and those who had not. The suggestion of the Chief Rabbi that all Jews should be allowed to trade on Sunday morning, while Christians should not, seems to me to be a very dangerous one, for legislation on those lines could only have the result of making the Jews unpopular.

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I would offer one more reason why a little delay would be a good thing. My noble friend no doubt remembers that in the Speech from the Throne there a promise of legislation in the direction of an amendment of the licensing laws, and Sunday closing will undoubtedly be considered in the course of the debates on that Bill. Reference has been made by the noble Lord to the condition of the question at this moment in Paris, where great discontent has been caused by the operation of the law. I confess I have often wished that there was in this country some institute to which one could refer when social reforms of this kind were asked for, in order to see the way similar laws had worked in other countries. That would be of the greatest value, and if this matter is delayed for the present I hope the noble Lord will be able to provide some information as to whether or not the movement has met with popular favour in France.

No reference has yet been made to the fact that yesterday was set apart by the Bishop of London in order that the question of Sunday observance should be considered in the churches of

his diocese. I listened myself to an admirable sermon in the course of the morning on the subject, but I could not help feeling that it did not really get one very much further. I think we are all of us agreed on the principle of this legislation, but it is when we come to the practical application of the principle that we meet with difficulties. Earl Beauchamp.

Before the Committee of last year was appointed I was full of the courage of ignorance. I believed it to be perfectly possible to frame a Bill which would meet everybody's wishes and avoid all difficulty. But I must now confess, having sat upon the Committee of last year, that the problem is a great deal more difficult and perhaps not quite ripe for solution at the present time; and I cannot help thinking that the lines on which legislation should proceed will become more clear if no hasty step is taken now.

*THE LORD ARCHBISHOP OF CANTERBURY: My Lords, I confess to a good deal of disappointment in listening When the noble Earl rose I was glad to to the speech which we have just heard. think that we were to hear, on the part of the Government, something from one who, as a member of the Committee, had had exceptional opportunity of being conversant with the whole subject.

But as the noble Earl's speech proceeded and he deprecated, not only immediate legislation, but legislation within any period that we can reasonably contemplate, I turned to the Report itself. I notice in the Report of the Committee's proceedings that the noble Earl himself moved the insertion of these words—

"The Committee do not consider that the words of any particular Bill come within their terms of reference, but they recommend strongly that legislation, subject to such modifications in the existing law as may be necessary, should be initiated in general accordance with the increasing feeling against Sunday trading in this country, and with the following principles "the principles being then set out seriatim.

The noble Earl's advocacy apparently convinced his colleagues on the Committee, for the Motion was adopted, and the words form part of the final Report.

to learn that the noble Earl, speaking I am therefore disappointed and pained is a different person from the noble Eart on behalf of His Majesty's Government, the record of whose successful proposal is enshrined in the Blue-book before us.

The noble Earl stated that His Majesty's Government desired that this Resolution should be withdrawn, and the ground he based that on was that no immediate urgency had been proved. I do

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