the ten talents the greater demand now | constitutional change such as this ought made on their behalf. Having dealt to be carried through without its being with those two groups, he passed to the submitted to, considered, and voted on Bill itself. No one could doubt that such a Bill, if carried, must have very farreaching consequences. It was not a matter affecting the democratic conscience of the kingdom, but the political conscience. The Bill before the House, if passed, would introduce into our Constitution an entirely new basis-new in kind and new in principle. From the numerical standpoint alone it would introduce a change in our constitutional arrangements as extensive as any of the great Reform Bills. The Reform Bill of 1832 introduced into the electorate a new voting power of about 500,000; the Reform Bills of 1857 onwards introduced a little over 1,000,000; this Bill, according to the estimate of the Member for Merthyr Tydvil, would introduce 2,000,000 new voters, and that he believed was an under-estimate, because full consideration had not been given to the clause which gave the vote to married women. But taking the estimate of 2,000,000, it would effect as great a change in the Constitution as the great Reform Bils that had preceded it. An organic change in our Constitution such as that could not be undertaken at the instance of a private Member. He was sorry the Prime Minister had left, because he wished to say that it was a matter for which the Government alone must take the responsibility. They alone had access to the proper statistics and to all those facts which would have to be communicated to the country before such a great constitutional change could be effected. The responsibility must rest with the Government of the day, and the present Government was not in a position to grant facilities for such a Bill--for two reasons, the first a negative reason, the second of a more positive kind. The first reason was that the Government had no man date. The subject was not discussed at the general election. He did not propose to discuss the proposition as to whether the mandate upon which the Government was elected was right or wrong, but he was perfectly convinced that he was right in saying that according to the spirit of the Constitution as it had been evolved, and the spirit of modern democracy under which our present arrangements were determined, no great Mr. Whitehead. by the electorate. Then the more so of passing beneficent schemes of social to obtain them. As a matter of fact, reform, he regretted that time should be the Bill must mean an increase of wasted in discussing a measure of this voting power to the middle and upper kind. The present House of Commons classes, and thus they would set back the contained men more personally identified hands of the clock. Owing to the by knowledge and experience with the difficulties of registration those classes social needs of the nation than any other would have all the electoral power as well. House which had ever assembled within The difficulty of testing qualifications, and that building, and any attempt to plunge the necessity for close scrutiny and careful the House into the constitutional diffi- criticism of claims, would impose a great culties and dangers which would be burden on those responsible for the duties the logical result of passing this Bill, of registration, and thus throw extra would be to throw away a great and power into the hands of those who had valuable opportunity for effecting those the means to establish their claims. He social reforms for which the nation was ventured to say that they would be unwise waiting. According to the view he if they went back from the principle held, the Bill, to which the hon. of endeavouring not to give undue Member for North St. Pancras had power to wealth, because to do not referred in detail, nor explained would be, as he had said, to set back to the House, was a retrograde measure. the hands of the clock, and to en Whereas the whole course of our con- trench in an impregnable position the stitutional development in the nineteenth richer classes. The arguments which he century had been in the direction of a ventured to bring before the House were nearer approach of the classes, of the not directed to the introduction of this gradual enlargement relatively of Bill alone, or to its provisions. There the powers of the working classes of the were wider considerations and questions country, this Bill would restore the of principle. If the Bill were, as it was balance of power to the middle and upper supposed to be, the prelude to adult classes. It was based, roughly, on the suffrage, it would be disastrous to the lodger franchise, the property franchise, Empire that power and predominance and the occupation franchise. Let them in national affairs should be shifted from take property owners. The majority of the men of the country to the women. them belonged, not to the working Women had already great influence on classes, but to the middle and upper the course of our political life, and the classes; and could anybody deny that experience they had had in the streets, in this proposal would add enormously to recent months, was an illustration of the their power? The same considera- manner in which their influence might tion applied to the occupation vote, be exercised. If they granted adult though not in the same degree. If suffrage they ran a serious risk of having a certain value was complied with, the legislation passed by a majority of women, double vote could be obtained. There which, in his view, would be a very grave was no difficulty or obstacle in the way and unsatisfactory condition of things. of the middle and upper classes comply- Ultimately, the government of the ing with the limitation which the Bill country depended on force, and it would imposed, and it would be found, roughly be a disastrous thing to give the speaking, that while a married man in technical and legal power to those who the middle or upper classes could secure possessed no real force and were not this franchise for his wife, the opportunity responsible for the ultimate control of the would not be available to members of the affairs of the country. He contended working classes. Then as to the lodger that women, from the circumstances in vote, they all knew that in the main which they existed, were really not inthat franchise was among the middle and terested in political matters. They upper classes. To them there was no lacked in a considerable degree the sense difficulty whatever about occupying a of proportion and of judgment, and their separate room and complying with the nervous and emotional natures unfitted condition of value. There were no diffi- them for the exercise of administrative culties or obstacles whatever in the way powers, Imperial and national. More of the upper and middle classes obtaining over, they were peculiarly susceptible lodger votes, while the working classes, to priestly influence. He said that in speaking broadly, were not in a position no spirit hostile to religion in any shape or form; but he believed that the nation, and the Empire as a it was contrary to the interests of whole that the control of all great this country that those who were political issues should remain in the peculiarly susceptible to that form of hands of men. There was another influence should be given further power side to the picture. Women had in the State. He had no doubt that if a higher role in the organisation of women once got the vote they would society. In matters connected with endeavour to get a seat in that House. spiritual and moral affairs, in holding up They had a vote for local government, and ideals for the rest of the community, they were now rightly demanding to have they had a special function for which a share in the administration of local their intuition and refined minds rendered government. If they got a vote for their services of immense value to the Parliament their next step would be to community, and his opinion was that it demand a seat in Parliament. He was was against the interests of the State firmly convinced that the introduction of that those powers of intuition and refinewomen into the House would prevent ment should be blunted and spoiled by frankness of discussion, and lead to being dragged down into political all kinds of subtle and underground and Party strife. It was highly desirable influences. But those considerations, after that such powers as women possessed all, did not touch upon what he might call should be kept keen in order that the main objection to the Bill. Men and they might continue to guide and inspire women each had their special aptitudes other people irrespective of Party conand adaptabilities. Women's sphere, siderations. In putting this view before speaking broadly, was in the home, in the the House he was only upholding the nurture and education of the children, highest and best ideal of womanhood, not in the management of the household, in only in the interests of women themtending the sick and suffering, in relieving selves, but in the interests of the comdistress, all of which were high duties de- munity as a whole. It should not be noting the possession of delicate qualities forgotten that there were rules and and special abilities, which belonged to orders which bound society together women in far greater measure than apart from any laws, and recently women to men. The very fact that those had broken those fundamental rules by great duties were in woman's department, exercising physical force against those kept her in no small degree from the who were bound not to retaliate. It outside affairs and struggles of life. was because they had broken and She did not take part in public matters, offended against those principles that nor was her inclination in that direction. the agitation had not received the As a matter of fact, they knew that in general support of the women of the existing tendency of society, in the the community as a whole. He had circumstances of their lives, women did placed before the House arguments, some not interest themselves in political affairs. of transient and some of permanent imHe said without hesitation that women portance. In conclusion, he appealed to as a whole did not instinctively turn to the House not to upset the balance of politics as a subject of thought or the Constitution in the way proposed by discussion, whereas, on the other hand, this Bill, which he believed sincerely was men were interested to know what one which the House ought not to pass. was going on in the world around He therefore begged to move that it be them. They read the newspapers, and read a second time that day six months. were interested in political discussions. The matter was fundamental and lay *MR. BERTRAM (Hertfordshire, at the base of our social organisa- Hitchin) said he had much pleasure in tion. Men and women had different seconding the Amendment proposed functions and different spheres of action. by his hon. friend. He was very For some purposes Women were un- grateful to him for the compredoubtedly superior to men, but for political purposes men were superior to women. In the management of the affairs of this House and political questions generally he submitted that it was better in the interests of the community, Mr. Whitehead. hensive way in which he had put forward his objections to woman suffrage. The archives of Hansard contained records of many debates on the subject, and he had found in all of them the same kind of academic a priori reasoning on both sides. In his study of former de- of their activities, and gave to their bates upon the subject there was only lives a direction altogether different one grain of comfort he could find, and from that which men had to pursue. that was that upon all occasions when a He did not believe that the bulk of the Woman Suffrage Bill had been brought women of the country desired the franforward the actual measure proposed had chise, but even if the bulk of them did been roughly criticised by both friend and desire it, he would still be prepared to foe. So far as the present debate had gone resist it. Reference had been made to the traditions of previous debates had the Colonial argument, and the House had been fully maintained. There could be been told that in some of our Colonies very little question that however unin- women were admitted to the Parliateresting and unreal previous debates mentary franchise. He thought the might have been, the present occasion was Colonial argument was a rather different from them inasmuch as outside dangerous one, because it could be used this House there was a real and genuine indifferently in support of tariff reform expectation that the proposals contained and of Home Rule for Ireland. Therein the Bill were on the eve of fore, he did not think it was the kind accomplishment. There were certain of argument to which great weight ladies who regarded the passage of a should be attached. But what was the Bill of this kind as something likely to position of the Colonies in comparison produce the millennium. No doubt with Great Britain? Had the Colonies. every Member of the House had emerged from the parochial state, and at one time or another spoken hand- had they anything but domestic matters somely of the millennium, but if this Bill to contend with? The Parliament of was going to bring it any nearer he would this country had to frame the policy regard it with the greatest dissatisfaction. and determine our relations with the He thought those who supported the great and mighty Powers of the principle of preserving the Parliamentary world. Although in this country women franchise for the male sex and the male sex alone were entitled to ask whether the very shrill and noisy agitation which had been going on outside the House really represented any deep-seated desire on the part of the general body of the women of the country. So far as he had been able to ascertain the facts, he confessed that the evidence was of the most meagre and unsatisfactory kind. All they were able to turn to was a Return issued by the House last November of the number of petitions in favour of woman suffrage presented within the last sixteen years. He found in that Return that the total number of signatories was 193,000. In 1875 it was alleged that the number of signatories in favour of woman suffrage was no less than 430,000. So far as they had been able to arrive at the feelings of womankind upon the question, he was inclined to believe that there was less disposition on their part than there was thirty years ago to acquiesce in a proposal of this character. He thought there were very good reasons for that. Even if many hon. Members could not recognise it women themselves recognised the great difference, the essential, natural, fundamental difference, which divided them from men, which limited the scope were admitted to a direct voice in regard to domestic, local and parochial matters, and wisely, he thought it would be a disaster to admit them to deal equally with men in matters affecting the position of Great Britain in foreign politics. The ultimate issue of Parliamentary Government in this country would soon or late be the establishment of the franchise upon a manhood suffrage basis. He did not think there was any question about that, and ultimately this would be an issue submitted to the electors. He wished to point out that if they were going to have the franchise on a two-sex basis, then they would have the policy of the country dictated and controlled by a majority which would not be a masculine majority. Their policy would be dictated by a feminine majority, competing with the policy of Germany, France, and Russia, where the direction of affairs would be determined by a masculine virile male vote. That was a risk which the House ought to take with very great reluctance. He repeated that he did not believe that the women of the country desired to have the Parliamentary franchise. They had been told that there were 400 Members of the House pledged to vote for a Bill of this kind, and they had to him that that was an unconstitutional position, and one which the House should adopt only after the most careful thought. The general principle that women ought not to be deprived of the franchise was put that afternoon by the Prime Minister when he asked-Is it just to refuse to women the Parliamentary vote? That was a question which it was extremely difficult to answer, because it assumed that the right to the Parliamentary franchise rested upon property and upon the basis of paying taxes. Though that was one basis it was not the sole basis, and it was not the true basis of representative Government. Lunatics were taxed, but they were not allowed to vote; aliens had to pay taxes, but they were prevented from voting; and if hon. Members had been asked at the election if they were prepared to give votes to the poorest of the poor their answer would have been, "We think they are the men who ought to have votes." One could not state precisely what the basis of the franchise was. Ultimately it came back to the heard a good deal of talk about mandates. It was an almost universally accepted constitutional doctrine upon the Government benches that a majority of the House elected upon other issues had no right whatever behind the backs of the voters to pass legislation of enormous constitutional importance which was not before the country at the previous general election. He understood that pledges had been given by 400 Members of the House in favour of the enfranchisement of women. To whom were those pledges given? Could it be suggested that they had taken their instructions from their constituents on the subject merely be cause they had answered an occasional heckler casually at a village meeting? If an hon. Member here and there said in answer to a question-"Yes, I am generally in favour of the principle of admitting women to equal voting rights with men, that was not putting the issue before the electors at the general election. It seemed to him that hon. Members who went into the lobby in support of the Bill would be committing a Parliamentary and constitutional offence, as gross and basis of force and the capacity to as unforgiveable as that which was com- defend the country. He did not think mitted by hon. Gentlemen above the it could be suggested that the sole Gangway on the opposite side of the basis of the franchise was merely the House when they passed the Educa- payment of taxes. He asked the House tion Bill of 1902. He hoped that a large what advantage they expected the number of those who had casually given country to derive under the Bill? Were pledges would think twice before they they going to obtain representation in voted in support of this measure. It the House of Commons of interests, had been computed that 1,500,000 aims, and objects which were incapable new voters would be brought within of representation under the present the electorate by the Bill. Was that system? He ventured to think that they a matter for a private Member's Bill? would not do so. The object of a good In 1884, when Mr. Gladstone added representative system was to give to 2,000,000 agricultural labourers to every section of the community the right. the voters of the country by the exten- to make its grievances heard and to have sion of the county franchise, it was by its hopes and aspirations advocated in means of a Bill of first class import- the Parliament of the country. Did they ance brought in by the Government. It suggest that under this Bill they would was a measure on which the previous bring in new classes of persons who were election had been fought, and whole at present inarticulate! It would not be weeks of the session were devoted to so. The further down they went in the the consideration of it. To-day they social scale the stronger his belief was were invited by the Prime Minister that with every extension of the franchise to support a Bill which would en they would find the vote given to men franchise nearly as many new voters was used just as much to give expression as Mr. Gladstone's Bill of 1881, and to the misfortunes and hardships of which introduced for the first time women as to give expression to their own not only in the history of this country misfortunes and hardships. He did not but in the history of any country in believe therefore that under this Bill? Europe an entirely new and dangerous they would do anything to assist in, principle in the system of government bringing before the House new claims under which the nation lived. It seemed which could not find expression at the Mr. Bertram. |