about feventy years after Chrift's death; and the information to be drawn from it, fo far as it is connected with our argument, relates principally to two points: first, to the number of Chriftians in Bithynia and Pontus, which was fo confiderable as to induce the governor of these provinces to fpeak of them in the following terms, "Multi, omnis ætatis, utriufque fexûs etiam -neque enim civitates tantum, fed vicos etiam et agros, fuperftitionis iftius contagio "There are many of pervagata eft." every age and of both fexes-nor has the contagion of this superstition seized cities only, but fmaller towns alfo, and the open country." Great exertions must have been used by the preachers of Chriftianity to produce this ftate of things within this time. Secondly, to a point which hath been already noticed, and which I think of importance to be observed, namely, the fufferings to which Chriftians were expofed, without any public perfecution being denounced against them by fovereign authority. For, from Pliny's doubt how he was to act, his filence concerning pears concerning any fubfifting law upon the subject, his requesting the emperor's refcript, and the emperor, agreeably to his request, propounding a rule for his direction, without reference to any prior rule, it may be inferred, that there was, at that time, no public edict against the Chriftians in force. Yet from this fame epiftle of Pliny it ap"that accufations, trials, and examinations were, and had been, going on against them, in the provinces over which he prefided; that schedules were delivered by anonymous informers, containing the names of perfons who were fufpected of holding or of favouring the religion; that, in confequence of thefe informations, many had been apprehended, of whom fome boldly avowed their profeffion, and died in the cause; others denied that they were Christians; others, acknowledging that they had once been Christians, declared that they had long ceafed to be fuch." All which demonftrates, that the profeffion of Christianity was at that time (in that country at least) attended with fear and danger: and yet this took place without any edict from the Roman fovereign, commanding or authorizing the perfecution of Chriftians. This obfervation is farther confirmed by a rescript of Adrian to Minucius Fundanus, the proconful of Afia*: from which refcript it appears that the cuftom of the people of Afia was to proceed against the Chriftians with tumult and uproar. This diforderly practice, I fay, is recognized in the edict, because the emperor enjoins, that, for the future, if the Christians were guilty they should be legally brought to trial, and not be purfued by importunity and clamour. Martial wrote a few years before the younger Pliny; and, as his manner was, made the sufferings of the Chriftians the fubject of his ridicule t. Nothing however *Lard. Heath. Teft. v. ii. p. 110. + In matutinâ nuper fpectatus arenâ could Nam could fhew the notoriety of the fact with more certainty than this does. Martial's testimony, as well indeed as Pliny's, goes alfo to another point, viz. that the deaths of these men were martyrdoms in the strictest fense, that is to say, were fo voluntary, that it was in their power, at the time of pronouncing the sentence, to have averted the execution, by consenting to join in heathen facrifices. The conftancy, and by confequence the fufferings, of the Chriftians of this period, is alfo referred to by Epictetus, who imputes their intrepidity to madness, or to a kind of fashion or habit; and about fifty years afterwards, by Marcus Aurelius, who afcribes it to obstinacy. "Is it poffible (Epictetus afks) that a man may arrive at this temper, and become indifferent to those things, from Nam cum dicatur tunicâ præfente molestâ, * Ure manum, plus eft dicere, non facio. Forfan "thure manum." E 3 madness |