Of this movable stage I have found no trace upon the continent, except in the Jew plays of Italy, where, on wagon-stages drawn by oxen, the Jew in effigy was mocked, tormented, and finally burned,' and in the representations upon chariots, given by the Basoche in the provinces, but unknown in Paris.2

XIV.

EVIDENCES OF EARLY ITALIAN AND SPANISH PLAYS.

Such aid as the continental plays, prior to the date of the extant English plays, can give towards the study of the English cycles has, according to my knowledge, been presented; not in its detail, which will serve better as illustration when taken with the English plays, but in the general outline, as showing the trend of development in the various stages of advancement and severance from the church ritual. Our reliance has been almost entirely upon the French and German plays. The notices of the Italian drama, prior to the "Devozioni" that we have outlined, are quickly given.

We hear of Italian plays first in 1244, the records stating that on that date a Passion and Resurrection Play was presented.' On Whitsuntide and the two following days, in 1238, according to the chronicle of Julianus, Canon of Cividale, the Passion, Resurrection, Ascension, and Outpouring of the Holy Spirit' were acted, forming a cycle of no mean proportions. But already other portions of the Bible narrative, which the church linked with the Advent plays as prophetic or explanatory of Christ's coming, were claiming attention, and six years later, according to the same authority, the Creation of Adam and Eve, the Annunciation, and Birth were played. Thus we find in Italy as early as 1306, in two cycles, probably written in Latin, and surely played under the direction or patronage of the highest clergy, the principal scenes of the future world-cycle that should extend from the Creation of the Angels to the Last Judgment.

It is evident that the mystery plays must have arisen in Italy as in France, although but scanty remains of the liturgical plays are extant; otherwise cyclic dramas so early as 1298 would be impossible of explanation. That they also had a recognized standing in the

3 Ebert, vol. 5, p. 51.

1 Klein, vol. 4, p. 239. 2 Julleville, Les Comédiens, p. 133. 4 Evidently the Passion, Resurrection, Ascension, were considered as forming a fitting introduction to the Giving of the Holy Spirit of which the celebration was a commemoration. 5 Ebert, vol. 5, p. 54.

Spanish church as early as the thirteenth century is proved by the code of Alfonso the Tenth, of about 1260, which, while forbidding buffoonery plays, expressly states that "Exhibitions there be, that clergymen may make, such as that of the birth of our Lord Jesus Christ, which shows how the angel came to the shepherds and how he told them that Jesus Christ was born, and, moreover, of his appearance when the Three Kings came to visit him, and of his resurrection, which shows how he was crucified and rose the third day." It adds, however, that these should be in the cities under the eye of the bishop or archbishop, not in the villages, nor to gain money thereby.

1

But in Spain, through adverse circumstances, the development of the play was arrested, and when at last, in 1496, the early dramatic type for Spain was set by the Representaciones of Enzina,' its direct inspiration was the Latin pastoral rather than the liturgical drama. In Italy, on the contrary, the influences were favorable. Commercial cities and wealthy patrons fostered literature. Monasteries and religious brotherhoods lavished wealth upon their Rappresentazioni, ir some respects, it must be confessed, to the injury of the plays, since their prodigal expenditure encouraged spectacular effects to the detriment of dramatic power.

In brief, then, as we turn to the more specific problem of the English plays, we shall look to Spain for little assistance, to Italy for much; but our most important aids will be found in Germany and France. The French church plays furnished the models for the liturgical plays of England. The German plays will afford most instructive illustrations of the gradual intrusion of the Teutonic humor, so evident in the York and Woodkirk Plays.

The universality of tradition in ecclesiastical literature gave rise to uniformity of treatment, and to the choice of similar, oftentimes of the same, literary motives, throughout the Roman church. The result may be monotonous as literature, but is invaluable as supplying a common starting point for national literatures. Upon this material the folk-spirit impressed its individuality. In the changing treatment and interpretation we detect the compelling influence of successive phases of thought. From this vast store-house, as from a quarry, the later generations have selected according to their needs. and fashioned according to their taste. Here the students of modern literature stand on common ground, and, viewing each several stream on its divergent course, can take note of each deflection due

1 Ticknor, vol. 1, p. 230.

2 Ticknor, vol. 1, p. 245.

to a foreign cause, of each break or eddy that betokens the vexation, dubiety, or sudden illumination of the national life that lies at the bottom of, and is faithfully mirrored in, every literature worthy of the name.

XV.

THE ATTITUDE OF THE CLERGY TOWARD THE PLAY.

There still remain for our consideration, before we turn to England, the question of the divorce of the play from the church, and that of the status of the writers of these later plays, whose number is legion and whose prolixity' appals the reader.

The writers upon mystery plays agree with great unanimity that the plays were driven out of the churches by the disapproval of the higher clergy. It is stated that the introduction of lay actors, of the vernacular speech, and, above all, of burlesque and comic episodes, scandalized the devout and provoked the prohibitions of popes and councils. It seems to me that the statement is true only in a much narrower sense.

In the first place the plays did not leave the churches, but, in their less developed ritualistic form, remained a part of the service until the Reformation, and indeed in many countries or sections long after. The people delighted in pageants, masques, and shows of every kind, and the church did not yield its right to make the service attractive by tableau, puppet-show, and liturgical drama, although such plays received comment less often than the open-air plays.

If, then, these plays survived in the churches, it must have been understood that the clerical prohibition was not directed against every species of mystery play, for no play within the church could have withstood for centuries the uniform opposition of the higher clergy. A glance at the attitude of the church toward plays before the mystery arose may aid us in understanding the situation, for the Roman church has usually kept in touch with its earlier traditions.

From the beginning of the third century, when Tertullian wrote his De Spectaculis, until the tenth century, the church held con

1 The history of Joseph in the Viel Testament' fills 7000 verses. Les Actes des Apôtres, par Arnoul et Simon Greban, is given in 61,908 verses. The Mystère de Sainte Marguerite contains 10,000 verses. 2 Julleville, vol. 1, p. 78.

sistently a condemnatory attitude. In 610, at the second council of Braga, so in 813, and again in 816, the councils spoke in no uncertain tone. They condemned absolutely the performances of the Histriones, Musici, and Mimi. These continued the traditions of the Roman stage, which had adopted the Greek drama of intrigue, and exhibited realistically what the earlier drama had but insinuated. The Fathers use clear language, and show unmistakably that they condemn these because they teach immorality and all manner of iniquity. Indeed, St. Augustine carefully makes a distinction between the mimes and the comedies and tragedies, "the latter class being at least free from filthy language, while their study is approved by elders in their scheme of liberal education." The plays of the day pandered to the lowest imaginations of man. The classic drama had been relegated to the closet. The attitude of the broaderminded of the clergy-of those who did not consider all mental activity a sinful waste when not devoted to the offices of the church -was a reasonable one, distinguishing between lasciviousness of motive and salutary instruction and diversion by theatrical representation.

We have seen' that these licentious and comic plays survived until the time of the mystery, and that in France they formed a partial fusion with the sacred drama, giving rise to certain abnormal developments, such as the Feast of the Ass. When, therefore, we find the church condemning certain plays and classes of actors under the names of histriones, joculatores, etc., it is necessary to infer that the same classes of play and actor are meant as aforetime, that their intrusion into the church is reprobated, and that mystery plays that have the taint within them are condemned.

In the northern countries, as in France, the popular festivities of the national holidays continually sought expression within and about the church edifice. The church had made itself the centre of all communal interests, so with the quickening of the national spirit an expression was sought within the walls of the church home. But this brought irreverence and indecorum. The hobby-horse in England, the Schimmelreiter in Germany and other 'monstra lavarum' must keep out of the churches. This will explain various interdicts, and will serve to show how in the Middle Ages many a distinction

1 See p. 166.

2 In a MS. of the twelfth century at Strasburg is a drawing of a 'Ludus monstrorum ;' it is a puppet-show. For the use of monsters, dragons, giants, etc. in religious processions see Magnin, Histoire des Marionettes, pp. 61, 66, 213.

was made of which we lose sight because our knowledge of their life is vague and general.

The primary cause for the departure of the play from the church must, as it seems to me, be sought for elsewhere. We have studied the gradual expansion within the church of the mystery from the rudimentary play of the ritual to the independent but condensed. cyclic play. Either development must stop here or the play must leave the church. The nave could not contain the necessary stage, nor the edifice the audience. Great numbers brought confusion and disorder. As a consequence the play moved out of the church into the churchyard, as shown in the Norman play of Adam, or into the open space about the monastery, as the direction "ad januas monasterii" of the Orleans play' indicates.

Other motives, as is usual, emphasized a tendency. The longer play led to the introduction of interludes and comic scenes to relieve the tedium. The development of devil-play put upon the fiends, through the traditional license of devilish behavior, the onus of enlivening the people when wearied by the continued play. Their language might be plain, and to us blasphemous, but it was not lascivious, and often contained a telling moral lesson. If we make allowance for the frank realism of the day, we must accept these plays as devout in nature, with the purpose to instruct the people and promote religion. Therefore the priests could encourage them, take part in them, or write them. They could be made the vehicle for sermons upon morals of which the instances, especially in English plays, are many, and the papal benediction could be sought and given, as was, probably, the case with the Chester plays.2

Furthermore, as the commercial spirit grew, the concourse of people at the church on sacred festal days offered facilities for barter, and booths became fairs. These festal days were also the days of the mystery play, and thus in England a connection between play and fair was established; not, as Warton maintains, that the play was fashioned to draw to the fair, but fair and play depended upon the church holy day. No one will doubt but that merchants and monks were shrewd enough to turn both to their advantage, when

once the connection was established.

1 P. 175.

2 The text of prohibitions is given by D'Ancona, Origini del Teatro in Italia, vol. 1, p. 51. Hoffmann, vol. 2, pp. 241-4; Mone, vol. 2, pp. 367-8; Wright, p. XII, taken from Hoffman. The subject is discussed in Smith's Dict. of Christian Ant. under Theatre, Actor, closing, however, before the rise of the mystery; Prynne's Histrio-Mastrix is important for clues, but the author's bias must be borne in mind.