their rooms with Men of a contrary Complexion, thereby gratifying the Ambition of fome and the Avarice of others, by reafon of which there sprang up a fort of Men that were diftinguished by the Name of Tories, whofe Principle it was to ferve the King without asking a Question; which is as much as to fay, They were oblig'd to do every thing they were commanded.

These were the Men that brought on Addreffes, Loyal Tory Clubs, and Prefentments, and were the chief Promoters and Inftruments in taking away Charters, which ftruck at the very Heart of the Government.

And I cannot but with amazement remember, how by their Addreffes they courted the King to make them Slaves; and when they had a New Charter upon the furrender of the Old one, with what demonftrations of Joy did they receive it, as if it had been their Glory to put on Chains, and at the fame time reproaching every man as difaffe Eted to the Government, who would not confent to give up the Rights of other People, or facrifice the Government.

The furrender of Charters was quickly followed by Sham plots against the Protestants; and to have the better effect of them, new Constructions of Law were invented, whereby many worthy Patriots fell.

Whilft these things were tranfacted, the Penal Laws were violently put in execution against the Diffenters, but the Papifts went fcot free; nay, even those very Laws that were made against them' were turn'd upon the Diffenters, and whenever there was any feeming Profecution of the Papists, it was only to have a fresh Pretence to fall upon the

Diffenters, for the Papifts were by particular Order flipt over. Thus the pubing at Diffenters be came the Characteristick or Make of a true Son of the Church of England; for if a Man were violently bent against them, he was a good Son of the Church, though his Immorality and Debauchery had made him a Reproach to any Church.

After all this, the Clergy brought up the Rear, with their Doctrine of the Divinity of Kings and Non-refiftance, thereby to give a Sanction to all the reft, which reduced the matter into a very narrow compafs, inferring from thence, that the King has as natural a Right to our Allegiance, as we bave to the Obedience of our Children, and that under the pain of Damnation he was not to be disobey'd.

It's ftrange, that Doctrines, the one fo deftruative to the Right of Kings, and the other so in confiftent with the Nature of Government, fhould obtain fo much, had not the Higher Powers fupported its Credit; for that Patriarchal or real Right dethrones all the Kings on the Earth but one, and leaves the World at a lofs in the rightful Heir of Adam; for there can be but one at the fame time that can claim as Heir to Adam, and confequently all the reft of the Kings are Usurpers: And here they are in a Wood themselves, for they can no more tell you who is not the right Heir to Adam, than they know who is. Now, fhould any one tell me, that my Eftate was more confiderable than I apprehended it to be, because I might turn out all my Tenants that held by Lives or Years, but that withal it was Five hundred to one that fome body elfe had a better Right to it than I have; perhaps I might thank him for his Infor mation, but at the fame time with my Estate were

lefs, and my Title to it better: Even as little are Kings beholden to them who perfwade them to quit the Title that the Government gives them to the Crown, to feek for a better, as claiming under Adam, whereby they may be more at liberty to act by their will; for if he thinks his best Title is by Defcent, then it's poffible that one of his Subjects may have a better Right to the Crown than himself. Asit fell out with William the Conqueror, when Edgar Etbling, who had a clearer Title by defcent, fwore Allegiance to him.

As to the Doctrine of Paffive Obedience and Nonrefiftance, there is nothing is fo neat an Emblem of it as an A, and nothing founds nearer to Nonfence; for if in any thing I have a Right, to deprive me of it either by Force or Fraud, muft be confefs'd to be a Wrong, and Wrong implies a Right to defend; and therefore the Law calls every man's Houfe his Castle, and his Goods his own: Nay, even bare Poffeffion is a good Title; but if I may not defend thefe, I have no Right to them, and if not in them, I have as little in my Perfon or Life. But I am perfwaded, that they who fet this Doctrine on foot, at leaft the greater number of them, who have been inftrumental in propaga ting of it, either did not understand it, or else helped it forward in hopes of being well rewarded for their Pains; for it is found by Experience, that they underftood the Practice of it very ill, for when the Bishops were clapp'd up in the Tower, none cried out fo much against King James, and arraign'd his Proceedings, fo much as they that hid been the greatest Afferters of this Do&rine.

But

But to make this a little plainer, I would only ask them this Queftion, that is, What is the mea fure of our Allegiance or Obedience: for it is either the King's Will, or the Law; and the first point of Obedience is, to know the Will of the Lawgiver and therefore if they say it is the King's Will, I do prefume to answer, That cannot be the Measure of our Obedience, because of the uncertainty of it: and, aly, Because he may command contrary things, which Rational Creatures cannot be bound to in point of their Obedience. If then they say it is the Law, then it will follow, that the Power of the King is limited, and when he exceeds the Limits, he affumes a Power which neither God, Nature, nor the Government invefted him with; and therefore of right he may in fuch Cafes be refifted.

The Point is very short, either the King is limited in his Power, or he is not, for there is no middle ftate betwixt Slavery and Freedom: If the King is not limited, then are we as much under the Subjection of his Paffions as his Reafon; but if he is limited, then it is the Law that fets him his Bounds, and the exercife of any Power, beyond what it allows him, is unlawful. Neither can it be fuppos'd, that God would fubject the World to the Will and Paffions of particular Men, because it is inconfiftent with his Mercy and Justice. The Will of a King is a wild uncertain thing, and a very falfe Guide to follow in governing his People; but to make the Law the Measure of all his Actions, and the Welfare of his People the end of all his Publick Defigns, is that alone which will make a King of England fafe, eafie, and powerful.

There

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There is one thing more that I would explain to you, and that is the difference betwixt the Government and the Administration of the Govern ment; for I am perfwaded that feveral People have been infnared with the notion, that they were one and the fame thing. I believe I need not tell you, that a Trust and the execution of it are diftinct things and I may tell you, that the difference is no lefs betwixt the Government and the AdminiAtration of it; for if any thing be done that is not directed by that Truft, it is the Act of thofe that did it, and not of the Truft. In like manner whatever is done that is not directed by the Law, it cannot be charged as a Fault upon the Govern ment. But in the two late Reigns every thing that was done, though never so unjust, unreasonable, or without Prefident, was called the Government, Whereas the Government or Law (they are the fame) is a known certain thing, not commanding one thing to day, and the contrary to morrow; it requires that equal right be done without refpect to Perfons, and regards the Publick Good above any thing,and has fo attemper'd Mercy and Justice, as to protect the Innocent, and punish the Guilty t

But I need not tell you how contrary to this was the Methods and Practice of the two late Reigns, to convince you, that all was Force and Violence, and not the Government,

Being thus encourag'd by the Addresses of the Tories and the Doctrine of the Clergy, King Charles went on at a good rate, efpecially in the latter part of his Reign, and the Irregularities of those times may well in a great meafure be charg❜d upon them; for, it's poffible that it had never come into King Charles's Thoughts. But very probable, Ffff

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