ber for King James received more reproachful language and revilings from them than from all other people: and therefore I hope they have learnt this lesson, and will be careful for the future to inftru&t all others under their care, not to extend Prerogative beyond the bounds which the Law has fet it, left they are the first that feel the weight of an unlimited power: For this Ecclefiaftical-Commiffion was a monftrous thing; and therefore it is to be hoped, that all thofe who were of it, and that now are in eminent ftations under this Government, have made it appear that they are become new men: or otherwife if it was a fault in King James to fet up that Commiffion, it will be hard to find an excufe for their being of it.

The Declaration proceeds, in taking notice that feveral Churches and Chapels were built for the exercife of the Romish Religion, and that feveral Colleges of Jefuits were fet up, and that a Jefuit was made one of King James's Privy Council.

This, had it flood fingly of it felf, must appear dreadful to all true English-men, and yet it was but a neceflary confequence of what went before it, and gave every man a clearer profpect of the precarious condition in which his Religion and Liberty stood.

The next thing that followed was to examine Lord Lieutenants and Deputy Lieutenants, Juftices of the Peace, and all others in publick imployments, in order to have

the Penal-Laws and Teft repealed; and to turn out fuch as would not concur. This was made ufe of (as no doubt it would have been) a very effectual means towards the packing of a Parliament, it being a leffon which he had learnt from his Brother C. II. who used to take Parliament-men to task in private, where he ufed fuch arguments, as thereby he fo often drew from the Parliament thofe unneceffary fupplies. This examination of the People in private, was called Closetting, at first lookt upon as a very inconfiderable thing, yet we faw that the faid Cloud, tho at firft no bigger than a mans hand, quickly overfpread the whole Heavens, and gave our affairs a very gloomy Complexion, and if we will learn, has taught us this ufeful leffon; That, when men fhall not be left to the freedom of their judgments in relation to the publick, but indeavours are used to warp and bend them another way, that there is fome ill defign in hatching; efpecially when fuch applicaons are made to members of Parliament, concerning fuch matters as are under their Confideration: For this is to kill the Government at the Root, and the design is equally apparent and mischievous, by what means foever a Parliament is a Parliament is corrupted, whether it be by Places, Penfions, or any other thing that makes the Members thereof to become men of dependance.

The

The next Article againft K. J. is that he Seized upon the Charters of Corporations, thereby bringing their Priviledges to be difpofed on at his will and pleasure.

This was very Notable Injuftice, yet the making havock of Charters was begun and carried on very far by C. II. to which the Loyalty that then prevail'd contributed very much; for who ever was not for furrendering of Charters and giving up their Liberties,was mark'd out as Anti-Monarchical and a Commonwealths-Man, and this fantastical Loyalty had intoxicated fo very many, that very few Corporations stood out; thofe that difputed the point were taught the Law of Quo Warrento. So that when K. C. died he left his brother little more to do than to give the finishing stroke to that he had brought to fo great Perfection: by which we fee how dangerous it is to make any other thing, than the Law the Measure of our Loyalty; for altho' at firft no ill confequence may be apprehended of what is done, yet it is not long e're Men find their mistake, by the mifchief which falls upon their own Pates, and with this aggravation, that they don't fee their error till it is out of their power to remedy it.

The Declaration next obferves, how that Ireland was put into the hands of Papists, which made many to leave the Country, well remembring what fell out in the year 41.

This was very true, and it is as true, that it put every Man in England (who valued his Religion and Property) under very

great

great fears and apprehenfions that the ftorm would blow over into England. Because he that would fet up AarbitraryPower in England, muft first try his hand upоn Ireland; it having been obfervd, that whatever Arbitrary thing has been done in England, that it has firft been practifed in Ireland. So that when ever things go irregularly in Ireland, England cannot think it felf fafe, till affairs are put into a better posture there.

The Declaration further takes notice, that K. F. had declared in Scotland, that all his Subjects are bound to obey him, without referve. This is the highest of abfolute Power, and it was plain he intended to do no lefs in England; For there is nothing more certain in humane Affairs, Than that when a K. mif-imploys his power in one Kingdom,it is not for want of inclination, but of means andopportunity, that he does not do fo in all other places under his Dominion: As for Example, if a King keep one of his Kingdoms without Parliaments, he would do fo in another, if by fome neceflity he were not compell'd to do otherwise for C. II. kept Ireland without Parliaments, and it was out of regard to his particular Affairs, that he called a Parliament in England, for you may remember how quickly he fent the Parliament packing that called him in, because it was more intent upon fetling the Nation, than to give him unneceflary fupplies; and those which he afterwards called, were kept no longer than he could fqueeze Money out of them.

The

The Declaration goes on to remind us how K. J. indeavour'd to difcourage and take away from the Subject the right of Petitioning. The priviledge of Petitioning is an ancient and neceffary right, and fo great a right, as it has always been fuppofed, that upon fuch applications, the K. was bound either to redrefs that whereof they complain'd, or to let them fee, that their complaint was without caufe. But to take away this right from the people, is to deprive them of the means of making known their grievances in the most humble and dutiful way that can be, and puts them under a neceffity of doing it with their Swords in their hands; for there is but one of these two ways of letting the K. know their grievances: there is nothing more fit, than that Subjects, tho' never fo much oppreft, do first make known their fufferings, in the humbleft and most respectful manner that may be, and not have recourfe to more compulfive methods, till no good is to be done. the other way: That Prince who is unwilling to hear the complaints of his People plainly intimates, that he intends to govern them by the rod of his power, and not by the equal and gentle methods of the Law: and there seems to be no lefs a fearful expe&tation, when the addreffes of both or either Houfe of Parliament, don't meet with fuccefs, but prove abortive; for confidering that the Nation does then Petition the K. in its higheft Capacity, it may reasonably be

expected,